The conflict in Colombia: story of the soldier who fights for the truth

Today is the beginning of December, but the heat shows no sign of letting up. I am in Colombia, where I’ve come to write my master’s thesis and, by chance or fate, I’ve met M.: a soldier in the national army who has discharged himself after six years of service. At that unforeseen meeting at the swimming pool, he was immediately intrigued by my obvious European background. Since then, he has often come to the apartment I share with other students to let us taste typical dishes cooked to perfection, to teach us how to dance salsa and cumbia in the living room, to share with sincere pride the traditions of his country.

Sharing is a trait that distinguishes Colombians, and M. seems to want to share as much as possible with us, especially his troubled past, the history of his country that he loves so much. When I explained to him that I am analyzing the contents of the peace agreement between the government and the FARC guerrillas, his eyes lit up and he confessed to me that he was a soldier in the army in that very conflict that has torn Colombia apart for more than 50 years and that in 2016 seems to have reached a truce. Today he is here to tell me about it. He sits down next to me and pours me a glass of freshly made aguapanela. Let us begin.

LM: “Why have you decided to become a soldier in the National Army of Colombia?”

M: “When I was 17, I graduated from high school and found myself at a crossroads. The idea of being able to choose a military career was given to me by my aunt when she told me about her partner, who was an NCO in the army. She explained to me that those who are part of the institution enjoy several benefits: a fixed salary, the possibility to study, health insurance, retirement after 25 years of work. In addition, I always liked physical activity, in fact I initially enrolled in the university, in the faculty of physical education.

The day they were recruiting to join the army I had to make the first decision: go for the military test or go for an exam at the university. Actually, the choice wasn’t even there: if I had gone to university, I wouldn’t have been able to be financially stable because I didn’t have the support of my parents since my mother didn’t have a job at that time, so I decided to enlist. I joined the army and I had medical, psychological, physical exams and they went very well.

I was first in line of all those who took them in my area. I was also one of the youngest.”

The first time I arrived at the military academy the feeling I had was that I wanted to go home. We traveled in two large buses full of kids. After more than 2 hours of travel, it was 4:30 a.m., we arrived and as we got off the buses a soldier ordered us pick up all the dry leaves from the ground. I did not go home then, I had a lot of eyes on me: my friends in the neighborhood, my family saying around, “M. is gone”… I was testing myself, but if those expectations had not been there, I think I would have gone straight home. That is when one of the adventures I think I’ll never be able to forget in life, which was the National Army, began.”

The military academy: how to become a soldier in the National Army of Colombia

M: “I was in the military school for 18 months. The period is divided into three semesters: first you are a recruit, then a brigadier and finally a dragoon. In the last semester you take a counterguerrilla course and there are tests that are exceedingly difficult; they are challenges. There you perceive them as challenges, but when you get out and see the reality of the situation, you realize that they are real abuse. They put a lot of psychological, physical and nutrition pressure on you, they hit you with the bed slats if you make any mistakes; they use violence to teach.

At one point in my second semester, I fought back against a captain who had just arrived at the school. We slept only 3-4 hours a day when we could sleep. At night we had to clean, and that day we were cleaning the bathrooms as fast as we could so that we could go to sleep. The captain came into the room and ordered us to do exercises on the floor while he walked between us and kicked us. He was approaching me when I told him that if he touched me, I would forget that he was the captain, and I was a student. He still put his foot on me, so I got up, pushed him away and left.

I reported to the school commander. At that time news was coming out from all over Colombia that in the army superiors were taking advantage of their power to mistreat us, no soldier was spared from the abuse. It wasn’t just happening at our place, but in all the battalions it was something quite common.”

“The first time I heard the story of the conflict against the guerrillas, I was told about it there, but since I’ve always liked to inquire things on my own, I looked into the reality of the country.”

“The impression I got was that the guerrilla rebels had armed themselves to claim their rights to be heard by the state, and that they had a different way of thinking. But in the academy what they teach you is that you must hate them, you have to kill them, and blood has to flow. There are military songs that say, “I want to swim in a pool full of blood, guerrilla blood. Blood! Blood! Red! Red! Dense! Dense! Guerrilla blood!” these songs work the minds of all the students in the school and many come out with that desire, that bloodlust. Thank life, thank God, I didn’t come out with that thirst to kill, because I don’t like to hurt other people.”

The conflict in Colombia: M’s debut as a regular soldier

M: “When I finished the three semesters in the school I came out as a squad commander. They sent me to Antioquia, a department in Colombia, to control a section of the Medellín-Bogotá highway and there the first unusual thing happened to me since I became a soldier. There was a Major who was a “hechizo” (enchanted, cursed) officer. “Hechizos” officers are those who did not go to the specific academy for officers but became one through a competition for NCOs who want to move up in rank. Usually there is a certain aversion between “hechizos” officers and NCOs like me.

The Major came to me one day in his Hummer and made me a proposal: “M. I need to talk to you. You will give … a “result”. You only have to go up the hill and that’s all you have to do.” Those were his words. He was not explicit, but it was familiar language. “Go up the hill and everything was ready” meant I just had to go to a spot where there would be a civilian. “‘Give result’ meant kill.”

“At the time, not much was known about the phenomenon of false positives, but my answer was an emphatic no, and that no hunted me like you can’t even imagine.”

“None of my comrades lent themselves to that request.

I was a regular soldier, until they transferred me with the professional soldiers, who were in areas of Colombia where… vulgarly they say you eat more shit. We would spend 3-4 months without having contact with the civilian population, just walking in the mountains. There it is difficult to advance against the FARC guerrillas and have “results”, because the guerrillas know their area, we do not. We are people from the cities, barely moving in the jungle; they do not, they live there. So, it was very strange to see companies of regular soldiers with six months of experience who could count no more than ten kills. Soldiers who came from the countryside, with little training, 19-20-year-old people. The soldiers I was with had over ten years of experience in the military, and they were incredulous. That’s where we started to suspect that something very wrong was going on.”

“During the time I was with the professional soldiers something happened that was the first big blow for me and that started to make me wonder if I should stay or if I should leave right away. One day we were fording a river where the current was extraordinarily strong. To cross the river, we used a “bejuco”, which is a very strong rope found in nature that comes from the trees themselves, because we didn’t have ropes with us.

A soldier who we affectionately called Cookie was with us that day. Private Cookie, in crossing the river, got his whole kit wet. When we got back on the bank he said, “Shit! I’m going to have to sleep all wet tonight!” and I said, “Don’t worry, I’ll get you some dry clothes.” We had to climb a very steep hill, it was about a thousand feet but there was no path, it was just mud, it was raining hard and it was very slippery. It was evening and already getting dark. Cookie at that point told me I could leave him behind because my team was already at the top, much higher up, while the counterguerrilla commander’s team was further back.”

“In Colombia if you tell any soldier the truth of the facts or think differently, you become an enemy and they always try to screw you over.”

“In the fall, one of these soldiers had arrived, a recruit, who was running the battalion canteen. He was sent to our unit as punishment and had no idea where he was. That night, around 11:30, I was making myself a hot chocolate as it continued to rain heavily. I was with my squad while the soldier had stayed further downstream with the lieutenant’s squad. I was making myself this drink when I heard gunshots. It was dark, completely dark, you could only see something when lightning fell. My reaction was to cover my head with my bag, I grabbed my rifle and waited in silence because I didn’t know what it was, until they start yelling my name, “M.! M.! Run! nurse! Nurse! M.!». I slipped on my boots and quickly ran downstairs with a small flashlight we had, which was barely working.

I ran over to where Cookie was and watched him give his last breath of life. When I put my hand underneath, I felt a very large hole in the back of his head. The lieutenant was telling me, “M. do something, do something!” but I told him, “There’s nothing you can do, his head is completely smashed in.” My hand was full of blood and his remains, I saw it when he moved his hand, dropped it and his eyes went away, and that is when we all started crying. That was one of the strongest moments I have ever experienced. I cried, I called my mom later, I told her I wanted to leave, I didn’t want to stay there.” 

LM: “How did Private Cookie get shot?”

M: “The new soldier, the one who ran the canteen, was a nervous person, maybe because we were in an area of Colombia that was in guerrilla hands. That night he was doing sentry duty, we were in an operation against “Negra Karina”, one of the fiercest fighters who survived the conflict and is now a peace ambassador for the United Nations. The nervous soldier was on guard duty when Cookie walked out of the tent to the canteen, making noise. The soldier was startled and fired: the bullet entered his throat and exited from behind through his cerebellum, destroying everything. But it did not end there, it was my turn to spend the night with the soldier who accidentally killed the other one. We had to be gun-free because the guy wanted to kill himself after what happened. I spent the whole night talking to him, giving him advice, listening to him.

It was an eternal night, one of those nights when you wish the sun would come out soon. We had to stay three days with Cookie, taking care of the body, because the helicopters could not fly because of bad weather. In those three days I felt a very strong pain because I realized that life doesn’t depend on anything, it’s not stable at all, at any moment it’s gone, and I was sure of it there in front of me. It also shocked me to know how a person who wore a uniform, who went to fight for the causes of the country, leaves. They put him in a bag, tied him up with a rope and took him away hanging from a helicopter. A trial was done on what happened and I had to testify. They opened an investigation and documented everything that happened.

A dirty war

After that traumatic event, M. pulled himself together and continued his military career to make good on the financial commitment he had made. But this was only the beginning of his experience. He continues his story by mentioning a few occasions when he made autonomous decisions going against the wishes of his superiors to keep his values firm. He reveals to me that he has burned many illicit cocaine fields and laboratories in Antioquia. One of these growers had invested all his savings in his field, and after everything was destroyed in one night by other soldiers, M.’s unit organized a collection to give him something. “The man was desperate, I felt sorry for him because he reminded me of my grandfather,” he confesses.

On another occasion he refused to cover up the truth about a deserter soldier, even though a sergeant in his platoon had given the order. And not only did he tell his soldiers the truth, but he also distributed to them the parts of the armament that the escaped soldier had abandoned.

M: “All these things I did against what had already been established stained my reputation. I became a soldier who does not follow orders, who goes against the grain. From there, still in the wake of the punishment for refusing to go along with the Major’s proposal, I was sent to the south of the country. Here there was a different kind of warfare: in the thickest jungle, against many more guerrillas.

One day, while patrolling an area along the Caquetà River, we found a mass grave. Imagine an area larger than a soccer field, in the jungle with trees and plants, sprinkled with pits. In each pit there were two or three corpses, of guerrilla women and men. We reported it and, waiting for a response, we camped there. We slept there, but no one ever came. The response was “get out of there” and that was it. I do not know if nowadays any soldier, anyone has gone to look for the bodies, because here in Colombia people die, disappear and no one knows anything. I didn’t have the foresight to write down the coordinates or keep a diary, but I think I could get there with what I remember of the journey.”

For a moment, M.’s mind goes totally absent and he returns to being a soldier retracing that path through the jungle, across rivers and up the mountains of Colombia, to that open-air cemetery with no names or coffins. It is a real business of death that lies behind the Colombian conflict. The army battalions compete to receive days off, and the competition consists of the highest number of deaths: one “result” is equivalent to 5 days off, for two you get 10 days, and so on. The battalion that wins at the end of the year earns vacations in December.

And that is not all: here the rules of war are wastepaper. According to human rights before shooting you must announce loudly: “Stop, we are the National Army, hand over your weapons and your life will be respected”. This is only on paper. It is never done: the notice that is given by the soldiers is a bullet and if it hits the target, it is much better.

M. at that point mentions one of his sergeants who has been on trial. After being in the department of Arauca, in an area where the fighting went on for up to two weeks without stopping even to sleep, the sergeant had been assigned to his unit. The process was initiated because, when they came across a house where there were five alleged guerrillas, the sergeant took an RPG, a kind of bazooka that can disintegrate an armored Hummer and shot at the house. Among those people were two pregnant women. They all died.

M: “The sergeant told us about these experiences he had that didn’t let him sleep, in fact he would stay up all night drinking coffee and smoking cigarettes. It is clear that a person who carries all this in his head, when presented with such an opportunity, tries to take it. I’m not justifying it; I’m trying to analyze the situation!” M. tells me, immediately making his words clear. “You stand in that moment, you see it very easy, you take this weapon, and you kill them all. But the sergeant was in pain, he knew he was going to be caught because his conscience would not let him sleep. So, he was there, all night smoking and drinking coffee.”

The civil conflict in Colombia: the responsibilities of a specialized soldier

War is a succession of extreme situations that arise, and that M. had to face. When he was in the academy of the National Army of Colombia, he received training as a nurse soldier and EXDE expert, specializing in neutralizing explosives, so he often took care of his wounded comrades.

He tells me about a time he even had to dissect the body of a boy. “There was no one in town who could do it, and we represented the state at that time. The boy’s mother had called, wanting to see her son one last time before they buried him. From Bogota it was a minimum of six days of travel to where we were and, you know, the body decomposes very quickly.” He confesses to me that he did not eat anything else for the next two days: seeing what we have inside took away his appetite. His nursing training, by the way, was insufficient. He knew how to give injections, how to measure blood pressure and temperature, how to perform CPR, how to apply a tourniquet to stop bleeding. But removing a person’s insides, they had not taught him that one.

M: “I did it that time, I haven’t done it since, and I don’t think I ever will again. Yeah, I really don’t think I want to do it again.” He tells me with a bitter smile.

Signals from nature

M. “One of the events that prompted me to make the decision to retire happened when we were about to go on vacation after almost eight months of being in the jungle. We were staying in a mountainous area and had received information about a guerrilla group that was near us in the adjacent mountain. In these narrow paths with overhangs on both sides of the trail you had to take turns going forward, and usually when there were two units, as in this case, one day one would go forward and the next day it would be the other’s turn. That day it would have been my turn to go on, but the other corporal asked for a change because when you were more exposed you had a better chance of getting results, and he wanted more days off. I gave it to him because I do not like killing and I have never been out for blood.

After a descent we entered a valley, and in this valley… I am a great believer in the signals that sometimes nature, the environment, the universe, God give you. We heard a human voice calling to us, but it was not from any soldier; it seemed to come from nature itself. I turned around, and as a soldier was explaining what it could have been… PUM. Up ahead, those who had gone first fell into a minefield. After the explosion only a PUUU (ringing in the ears) remained, and everything went in slow motion, just like in the movies.

It was not the first time I fell into a minefield, the first time it happened to me in Antioquia. On that occasion I understood to what extent war moves your insides, during the eternal second of the explosion and after, when only a whistle remains. That time a soldier was taken away wounded and with damaged hearing. Not this time.

When the silence ended and the fog rolled in, I heard the scream of pain. A soldier fell, lost both legs. I ran to him, he grabbed me and, in despair, told me that he did not want to die. He was my same age at the time, 23. He did not want to die. I told him, “You’re not going to die,” but I was lying to him because he had no legs from the knee down, neither, and he was very pale and soaked in blood. I tried to inject him with a saline solution because he was losing a lot of blood, but I could not find the vein. The other nurse found it, and we gave him this injection and then put something strong on him for the pain. He came out of there alive.

There was another soldier who was wounded although not as badly: the explosion had not hit him directly, fortunately. These guys fell into the minefield where I should have fallen. The helicopter was able to open up a space only an hour after the explosion; it threw the ropes to put on the stretchers and took them both away. At 8:30 in the evening we were informed that the boy was dead.

What angers me most is that demobilized guerrillas, who have left the conflict, pass information to the army. They point out on the map where the landmines are, so from the higher ranks they should have warned us soldiers not to walk in that spot. The brigade commander knew that. And he did not say it. He did not say it because he wanted us to cross the minefield, flying or I don’t know how, because he wanted the “results,” he wanted the dead. Not ours but theirs, he just didn’t give a damn what might happen to us.”

The permanent leave odyssey

M: “At that point I decided to retire. That was an odyssey, too, because they make everything difficult for you, they hinder you. A colonel told me that he was going to stop me from being discharged because the Army had invested money to train me as an EXDE expert in explosives. I replied to him that when I had gone home for vacation, I had left some documents with my father so that he could go to the prosecutor’s office in case this situation arose. I knew what it meant to be a soldier in Colombia, I knew how things worked. He sent me to another location that was remote in the middle of the jungle to get a general’s signature.

The trip to this location began aboard a plane carrying gasoline, which was not for passengers. Once I landed, I looked for someone I trusted who would take me to my destination the same day because that was an area full of guerrillas. This is where Ingrid Betancourt was kidnapped. I left very early, at 3, 4 in the morning, and when I arrived, I had to wait for the general until after lunch for him to receive me. He asked me why I wanted to take leave, that I should continue in the institution and he told me some stories. I told him that I wanted to study and live quietly because that is not life: you are a slave to the army; you have to do what they ask without question. I had lost my love for the institution; I did not want to be there anymore. He tried to insist by telling me that some soldiers were studying with auditions, but then he signed my document.

There began my wait for discharge. Not only did they not notify me when it arrived, but they also made me stay in the battalion. Once, when I was in boot camp, they ordered me to explode the grenades that were left unexploded. There were about ten of them, and I was supposed to detonate them and turn the safety ring over to my superior. So, I started throwing them, but one of them got stuck in the mud without exploding. I got the great idea to throw another grenade nearby, so I grabbed the bomb, took the safety off, and threw it. This one did not explode either. So, I picked up the third one, pulled the safety off, and that’s when it all exploded.

I do not know how I did not get hurt because there were millions of pieces flying around, and even though I had a helmet on my head, my face was covered in mud. And I really do not know how I did not drop the bomb. The grenade goes into action as soon as you take the safety off, you have 3 to 5 seconds to throw it. As soon as I remembered I had a grenade in my hand, I immediately threw it in the air… BOOM. I got a headache you cannot imagine; my face was full of mud and I still had 3 or 4 grenades left to explode. When the other corporal arrived, I told him the story, that I almost killed myself, and told him that I would not die as a soldier in the National Army of Colombia.”

M: “After what happened with the grenade, I gathered my soldiers and told them I was leaving. Some of them made the same decision as me because we realized that we were pawns in the hands of our superiors. Once, in the jungle, we were in the middle of a counterguerrilla operation when suddenly we were ordered to retreat and leave the battlefield. This made us realize that there was business going on among the higher ranks, that they had agreed among themselves. At worst, we would be killed, and it didn’t hurt anyone, or at least not the state. No one would cry but our parents, those who really loved us, our friends.

So, before I retired, I gathered with my soldiers and we talked. One of them told me this, “the good goes and the bad stays. It always happens that way.” Then we cried for a while, hugged, and said goodbye. They went further into the jungle and I went back to Bogota, where I waited for my discharge, which came more than a month later. So, I worked for more than a month without pay.

In that month I was on guard duty, I argued with the commanders because they wanted to send me to the mountains again. I had developed an umbilical hernia and they had to operate on me at the military hospital. One of these commanders absolutely wanted me to go back to the battlefield while I waited for my operation and discharge. But I, whether he liked it or not, was not going to go. Besides not wanting to, I would not have been useful there because I could not load the rifle nor could I hold the armament. A soldier in Colombia carries between 35 and 50 kilos, between armament, backpack, uniform, and helmet. And I had a hernia.”

LM: “After you retired, the president and FARC leaders started peace dialogues and in 2016 they signed the peace agreement. Do you think anything is changing?”

M: “So, there they created the JEP (Special Justice for Peace) and the Truth Commission, but everything is not as good as it seems. Hypothetically, if I went and reported the things I know, like the false positives they made in Antioquia, two things would happen. The first is that the people I go to report it find out. They are people who are part of the underworld and they would retaliate, they would come after me. To me and to any other soldier anywhere in Colombia who wants to do things right, who denounces. The second is that once the complaint is made, that is it: they are guilty, but if they don’t want to turn themselves in, it’s not the JEP’s responsibility.

In concrete terms, there is no justice, there is no one to force them to go and testify, so I do not think it’s worth going and doing it. In Colombia today, as then, there are no protections or safeguards, whether you are a soldier or a demobilized FARC member. There is no protection for those who want to help clarify the truth, to help those who have lost a relative, a friend.

When I was a kid, a neighbor of mine left for war and his sister has been looking for him ever since. She does not know if he is alive, if he has lost his memory or if he is in one of those open pits along with hundreds of other bodies. His sister was 24 when he left, now she is over 60. We all have the right to know the truth, but if you go and say that The Major gave the order to do this, this man will talk to his people. After all, the bandit knows the bandits, just like professors know professors and lawyers know each other. He will contact people to ask them for the favor, and here in Colombia they kill you for 500 pesos (about 10 cents, ed.).”

LM: “So you think there are gaps in the JEP and the Truth Commission?”

M. “Yes, these people have to be judged. They need to be judged.” 

He is excited, furious to say the least. He chants these last words emphatically and then silence falls in the room, broken only by the deep sigh he takes to calm himself. After a minute, I ask him what he would do if he were on the other side, in the guerrilla war. He tells me that he would return to arms, as some of the demobilized FARC members are doing, to feel safer. The State does not give security, it makes agreements and does not respect them. Not only that, since they handed in their weapons, ex-guerrillas have been dying one after the other, assassinated by unnamed killers, but whose origin we can imagine. The current government is not implementing the peace agreement because the president is a puppet in the hands of the warlord: ex-president Álvaro Uribe Vélez. He wants more blood to flow, but with the agreement this will not happen.

The government opposes the will of the Colombian people because there are economic and personal interests in the war.

The guerrilla known as “Negra Karina” killed Uribe’s father, so he promoted the “no” to peace in the referendum, he suspended the agreements through the current president.

M: “Now that I am telling these things I am much calmer. It has been a long time, and I feel that it is necessary to raise my voice so that they are spread. So that the history is known, so that the truth is known about what happened and what can continue to happen. If the facts are not known, they will be repeated. In fact, today’s situation is not new, it has already happened in the past. Now that I am telling you these things, I feel stronger. There was a time when I would not have been able to do this because I was incredibly sad, I would shed tears just thinking about it. Today the sadness is still there because some things are irreparable, like the boys who are no longer there. The only thing the war did was cause the unjust ending of their lives, and that hurts.

However, reviewing these things from afar makes me feel good because I know I stayed strong in my decision not to be a part of something I would have regretted my whole life, which was being a murderer. It would have been haunting to be a murderer. Had my answer to the Major’s proposal been yes, I would not have the peace of mind to tell my story today. Nor peace, nor sleep.

After my discharge I had nightmares where I was haunted, but I was calm because I knew I had not done something I didn’t enjoy doing in combat (where I had every reason to do it), let alone for a supposed reward, an “achievement” that at the end of it all was just a deception. The peace of mind I live with today and can count on was the decision I made at that moment. To say no. If it had been a yes, the story would have been completely different.”

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The status of women within the peace transition process in Colombia

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As a result, since 2014, 60% of the victims who presented testimony to the commission in Havana, where the negotiations took place, have been women. The gender approach, therefore, is implemented in all parts of the peace agreement, through more than one hundred specific measures and outlining eight thematic axes. Equal access to rural property between men and women and guarantee of the rights of agricultural workers with different sexual orientation and/or gender identity are included in the Integral Rural Reform. The political and representative participation of women is guaranteed through measures to prevent the specific risks they may encounter in their work within the decision-making bodies created by the agreements. Access to truth, justice and reparation for the crimes committed during the conflict is also and especially allowed to women, who most of all have appealed to the Truth Commission. Gender victimization has been publicly acknowledged in all its modalities through the strengthening of women’s organizations and their effort towards political and social participation. Thus, the peace agreement, in its gender approach, seeks equality and universality as characteristics of the transition to peace and post-conflict Colombian society. The subcommittee acts concretely in the peace process through the allocation of resources and the regulation of the principle of alternation within autonomous parties and organs. With regards to gender-based violence, various forms of prevention and protection of women are established, as well as measures against impunity for war crimes. Through these interventions, the agreement and the commission aim at the development of a sustainable, stable, and lasting peace. The Colombian woman today Despite these remarkable steps forward against gender discrimination, women in Colombia are still not considered equal to men. In the aforementioned WPS Index, in 2019 Colombia scored 0.691 on a scale of 0 to 1 (where 1 represents the highest level of inclusion), ranking 104th in the world. Women’s political participation, hampered by insurmountable economic constraints for many, is low at all levels: from individual city halls to Congress. Moreover, the high estimates of gender-based violence shed light on a society that, despite good intentions, struggles to detach itself from its internally rooted patriarchy (or machismo).  Especially in rural areas, levels of gender insecurity remain remarkably high, surpassed only by those faced by human rights defenders, whose rates of victimization increased further during the quarantine imposed by the spread of the new coronavirus. In this context, the normalization of this type of violence is worrisome: in Colombia, a woman’s testimony against her attacker is not considered legitimate. On gender impunity, local activist Francy L. Jaramillo Piedrahita argues that: “here a man is more likely to be tried for stealing a

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Politiche- estrattive -in -Colombia - Large-Movements

Extractive policies in Colombia: how do they impact on the environment and on human rights

In Colombia, as in all of Latin America, the intensification of land exploitation through extractive policies has a negative impact on the environment and on human rights, especially those of indigenous peoples, highlighting the shortcomings of a development model that is anything but sustainable. The extractive model The concept of extractivism is widely used in Latin America to refer to a mode of accumulation that began with the colonization of the American subcontinent, which envisages that some regions of the world are specialized in the extraction and export of raw materials, while other regions are dedicated to their consumption. In this sense, the activities considered extractivist are those that include the exploitation of large quantities of natural resources, such as minerals, oil, agricultural and forest products. Latin American countries are highly dependent on the extraction of their natural resources and their exportation abroad, following a model of export-led growth which does not allow for diversification of the economy and makes it dangerously dependent on the value that the raw materials in question have on the international market, an example is the case of Venezuela. Criticism of the extractive model is, however, primarily concerned with its effects on the environment. If the environment and its resources are considered exclusively as economic goods to be sold to the highest bidder and as means to increase development, and if the latter is understood as a mere increase in gross domestic product, it goes without saying that Latin American countries are experiencing a lack of protection and environmental degradation. The environmental conception of the indigenous people of Abya Yala Latin America or Abya Yala, as it is called by indigenous peoples, is an area that exemplifies how the unconditional exploitation of natural resources has consequences not only at the environmental level, but also in relation to the rights of those peoples closely interconnected with nature, the indigenous peoples, whose population is estimated at about 42 million in the South American territory. The contribution of indigenous peoples to the management and protection of the environment is now recognized internationally, just think that the so-called “protectors of the Earth” preserve about 80% of the planet’s biodiversity. The territory constitutes for indigenous peoples a spiritual and material basis inextricably linked to their past and future identity. From the 1990s onwards, a recovery of the indigenous environmental vision began starting with the spread of the Andean concepts of Pacha Mama and Buen vivire and their inclusion in some Latin American constitutions, such as those of Bolivia and Ecuador. The concept of buen vivir, sumak kawsay in the Quechua language, implies a life in harmony between individuals, communities and nature and is present with different terms in all Latin American indigenous cultures. In the indigenous cosmovision, well-being is only possible within the community and with respect for the Pacha Mama, so the essential element of buen vivir is the protection of nature. In this sense, it is an excellent alternative to modern environmental and development challenges. Given the inseparable link that indigenous peoples have with the environment and territory, on the one hand because of their spiritual and cultural characteristics, and on the other because most of them materially depend on natural resources, it can be said that their survival as indigenous peoples depend on the preservation and protection of the environment in which they live. On the other hand, since colonization these peoples have faced illicit appropriation of their ancestral lands, forced relocation of communities, and pollution of the natural resources on which they depend. Fortunately, Latin American indigenous movements are characterized by a historical solidity and strength that has led them to resist, as far as possible, the numerous attempts of extermination and assimilation that have been perpetrated against them since the period of European colonization.In the name of “development,” mining, hydroelectric projects and energy megaprojects, including renewable energy projects, are being implemented on indigenous territories, leading to the forced displacement of indigenous peoples, often without adequate compensation. The election of political leaders, such as Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, who support land grabbing by multinational corporations can only make the situation worse. The mining industry, in particular, has devastating effects on indigenous communities, as these persist even when mining projects end. Mining projects have negative consequences on the cohesion of the indigenous peoples of the territory where they take place, due to forced displacement and community divisions. Moreover, they often prevent traditional agro-pastoral activities from taking place. The convergence between environmental protection and the protection of indigenous peoples’ rights is emblematic in the Amazon region, yet, in those very territories there are multiple mining and oil extraction projects. The impact of extractive policies in Colombia Colombia is also suffering from the consequences of the increasing increase in extractive policies, which fall primarily on the environment. Even though Colombia is part of the so-called “megadiverse” countries, that is the richest countries in biodiversity on the planet, and in fact has 311 ecosystems, what should be the main wealth to be preserved often becomes a bargaining chip to pursue neo-liberal policies. For this reason, the country is characterized by a high incidence of environmental conflicts involving above all the indigenous peoples, who represent about 3.4% of the population. In recent decades, Colombia has seen an increase in state development policies aimed at extractive activities and the development of mega-projects with high environmental and social impact. In departments such as Chocó, La Guajira and Amazonia, this has led to the forced displacement of indigenous communities, environmental pollution of territories and situations of violence and insecurity. At the same time, legislation has also been passed that favors large transnational investments. These include Law No. 685 of 2001, the so-called Código de minas, which favors the participation of private companies in the processes of exploration and exploitation of minerals and hydrocarbons, and a 2019 ruling by the Colombian Constitutional Court, which removes the mandatory nature of popular consultations in cases of mining projects that threaten to profoundly transform the land use

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The events of 2019 and their impact on the war in Colombia

In Colombia, the transitional phase that sees the incessant civil war acquiesce towards peace knows an abrupt halt during 2019, just three years after the signing of the bilateral agreement. What are the new obstacles standing in the way of the peace agreement between the government and the revolutionary armed group FARC – EP? To answer this question, we need to take a step back. Colombia entered the new millennium in a situation of great instability. The guerrilla groups that rebelled against the state, which was considered non-existent in large rural areas of the country, had reached the height of their power. Chief among these armed groups were the FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo). With the presidency of Álvaro Uribe Vélez (not coincidentally nicknamed “the warlord”), the situation was quickly reversed. His controversial counteroffensive strategies, over the course of his two terms in office, brought remarkable results including the beginning of the FARC’s decline. Since his election to the presidency in 2010, Juan Manuel Santos has begun to depart from his predecessor’s political ideas by promoting dialogue with revolutionary forces until a peace agreement is reached. The bilateral treaty addresses numerous issues considered the fundamental causes of more than 50 years of internal conflict. The document lists the various measures that, by mutual agreement, must be taken by both parties to establish peace between the government and the FARC group. However, a few months later, the end of Santos’ term of office calls into question all the efforts made until then. The election of Iván Duque Márquez, a close ally of Uribe, and his manifest intention to modify the agreement, puts former FARC combatants on notice. In addition, the events that have been making the situation in Colombia even more tense since 2019 hint at a concrete threat of a return to war. The FARC: from armed struggle to political struggle and back again First of all, the disarmament of the guerrillas, supervised by a UN commission created ad hoc, is completed by the majority of FARC members, but not by all of them. Some thousands of fighters, in fact, have refused to come to terms with the government. These never came out of the jungle and never abandoned the armed struggle. Their actions have scaled down, in parallel with the number of their members, but their existence endures the peace process. The most recent information on this subject, claims that these groups have sought refuge in Venezuela, while some speculate that they may be affiliated with other guerrilla groups such as the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). What is certain is that, due to the current circumstances of Colombian politics, the group of demobilized is growing stronger thanks also to the affiliation of those who, after embracing civilian life, have decided to return to live in the jungle as clandestine fighters. Critical issues in the peace process If implemented, the treaty could meet the demands of revolutionary groups and avoid further casualties. However, its implementation is encountering numerous obstacles, as has happened in the past in the history of the Colombian conflict. First of all, the political participation of the ex-members of the FARC has not been assured in the last elections. The new political party has had little prominence, perhaps due to the bad reputation the group has earned through the decades. More importantly, since embracing civilian life, many repentants have seen death at the hands of hit men. Now a widespread practice in Colombia; systematic assassinations of political opposition have claimed the lives of some 200 FARC members and more than 600 social leaders, indigenous tribesmen, and human rights activists since the signing of the treaty. Land cultivation and property management was the main issue that caused the outbreak and prolongation of the conflict over the decades. The Integral Rural Reform and the reconversion of lands previously used for cocaine cultivation are therefore at the core of the peace treaty. Nonetheless, implementation and financing are slow, and peasants are not benefiting at all from the new conditions. The shortcomings of the Truth Courts The issue of victims of the conflict is not being satisfactorily addressed. The frightening figures remain far-fetched, and there is speculation that the actual numbers are much higher. The Truth Commission, not being imperative with its sanctions, struggles to carry out its duties. And so, the victims remain without justice, the perpetrators unpunished and the corpses unnamed. But not only that; the greatest defect of the Integral System of Justice that has been established since the signing of the agreement is that it does not guarantee any kind of protection to those who want to testify for the truth, and the sad tradition of murders in Colombia makes this system seem like a trap for those who want to contribute to peace and justice. The circumstances listed so far make the period of dialogue and mutual concessions that characterized former President Santos’ two terms in office seem like a rip-off of Colombia’s violent rule. Instead of strengthening the foundations of peace, his successor and current president Duque directly undermines them, directing his political propaganda against the agreement with the FARC and financing it with the Fund for Peace, thus making use of international funds for electoral and personal purposes. The threat of a return to civil war in Colombia is therefore becoming more and more concrete as we move into 2019. Some encouraging signs Nevertheless, the support of the international sphere that the peace agreement with the FARC has received cannot be ignored. In addition to the UN and its Security Council, individual states have also been advocating for peace in Colombia, committing to the bilateral ceasefire and as members of the Truth Commission. In addition, there are the citizens who are showing that they have grown tired of the violence and of the systematic murder of the political opposition, which inevitably leads to the death of democracy. This part of the population, with a strong and fresh

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Venezuelan migrants in Colombia

With 4.6 million people leaving Venezuela as a result of the political and economic crisis of recent years, an unprecedented migration crisis is underway in Latin America. At a time of hostility, closure and the erection of walls, neighboring Colombia has absorbed some 1.8 million Venezuelan migrants, practicing, so far, a policy of solidarity obviously not without contradictions. The Venezuelan crisis Gone are the years of the Venezuelan economic boom, when the Caribbean country represented, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), one of the preferred destinations for Latin American internal migrants. The situation has reversed; now people flee from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. Some 4.6 million people have done so in just a few years, and the UNHCR estimates that it will reach 6.5 million by the end of 2020, almost 20% of Venezuela’s population. The reasons for the exodus, second in the world only to that of Syria, seem obvious when one considers that the Venezuelan economy shrank by two-thirds from 2013 to 2019 and that the country has, in the last few years, entered a period of profound political, as well as economic, instability. Significantly, the Venezuelan president, Nicolás Maduro, a sustainer of Hugo Chávez’s so-called Bolivarian socialism, is not recognized by most of the international community and last year the main opposition leader Juan Guaidó proclaimed himself president in a failed attempt to seize power. The causes of the current Venezuelan situation are complex and multiple: hyperinflation, sanctions dictated by the United States, debt accumulated over the years, lack of democracy in government policies and an economic system which has been based for a long time almost exclusively on oil production; fortune and doom of the country. The geopolitical roots of a crisis are never easy to trace in Latin America, perhaps the greatest terrain of ideological clash between capitalism and socialism, historically torn apart by hoarding, corruption, and external interference. What is certain are the facts: the political-economic crisis has forced Venezuela into a condition of extreme poverty and lack of basic necessities, such as food and medicine, and the population is abandoning the country en masse. Migration to Colombia Almost 80% of Venezuelan migrants are in Latin America and the country that has absorbed the most is neighboring Colombia, on the western border of the Caribbean country, followed by Peru, Chile, Ecuador, Brazil, and Argentina. According to official data from Migración Colombia, as of December 2019 there were more than 1,771,000 Venezuelans present in the country, of which about 220,000 were minors. Unlike other South American countries, Colombia was not used to receiving migrants, on the contrary it was Colombians who emigrated in search of a better life, far from the civil war that tore the country apart for decades. Venezuela, more than any other country, has welcomed Colombian refugees, who were attracted by its past economic prosperity. Although a 2019 UNHCR report shows how, in recent years, Colombian expatriates to Venezuela have increasingly returned home, Colombia’s people historical memory has not forgotten the welcome they received. The idea of returning the favor, linked perhaps to an awareness of the inevitability of the Venezuelan migration phenomenon, has led Colombia to adopt fairly open migration policies. In 2016, for example, Special Permanence Permits (Pep) were established, allowing Venezuelan migrants to enjoy basic rights, such as access to work, health and education. These permits were even more useful due to the inability of Venezuelans to renew their documents, given the halt of diplomatic relations between Colombia and Venezuela and the subsequent closure of the embassies. Dating back to the summer of 2019 is another measure of the Colombian government praised by humanitarian organizations, namely the granting of citizenship to 24 thousand children born in Colombia to Venezuelan women, with an ex-post effect also on births that will take place in the next two years. The figures that Colombia is investing to manage the recent migratory phenomenon are high, and difficult to sustain for a country facing the consequences of a die-hard conflict. Nevertheless, mechanisms have been established at the regional level to coordinate and facilitate the legal, social, and economic inclusion of Venezuelan citizens. In fact, the governments of the Latin American countries most affected by the arrival of Venezuelans have jointly launched the Regional Humanitarian Response Plan for Refugees and Migrants 2020 (RMRP), an instrument intended to coordinate and raise funds to manage the flow of migration. A delicate balance The Colombian population initially reacted positively to the reception of Venezuelan migrants, but it seems that cases of xenophobia and stigmatization have increased in recent months. In a society like Colombia, strongly striven by the armed conflict and by a growing social stratification, Venezuelan migrants have added  themselves to the most marginalized segment of the population, the one that populates the suburbs of the big cities. According to Colombian authorities, 90% of Venezuelans in Colombia work in the informal economy. On the other hand, according to the National Administrative Department of Statistics, 47.2% of Colombians themselves work in informality and precariousness. The new emergency situation created by the COVID-19 pandemic has further complicated the situation of Venezuelan migrants. Colombian President Ivàn Duque on March 13, 2020 temporarily closed the borders to stem the spread of the new coronavirus, but the more than two thousand kilometers of border separating the two countries, in part isolated areas affected by armed conflict, are difficult to control. The risk is greater for migrants not legally registered in Colombia, about half of the nearly two million present in the territory, according to an estimate by Migración Colombia. The latter thus lack access to health care, in addition to being constantly at risk of violence, exploitation, child labor, recruitment by armed groups and trafficking. Lastly, a consequence of COVID-19, concerns groups of Venezuelan migrants who have been trying to return home in recent weeks. The quarantine measures adopted by the Colombian government, for the moment scheduled until April 27, have blocked the informal economy and some migrants, now

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