Venezuelan migrants in Colombia

In the context of the civil war and the resulting transition to peace that is taking place in Colombia, women have taken on a far from marginal role. Both as protagonists and as victims of the violence, Colombian women have certainly influenced the course of the conflict, and thus have actively carved out a space, for themselves, at the peace negotiation table. This result has been achieved mainly thanks to the contribution of decades of debates and analysis on the subject carried out at a global level within the United Nations Organization. Women, peace and security The gender issue has made its way into debates on human rights and, more generally, on the sustainable development of nations in recent decades. The main international organizations have decided to adopt a gender approach in relation to the most varied areas, which until then had never specifically mentioned women. Recent studies have shown how, in the context of post-conflict reconstruction, women’s participation is significant in achieving a more stable and lasting peace. The economic and social recovery of the community also benefits from the integration of women and their political participation. To support this, tools such as the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index, which measures and ranks the well-being of women in each country, are being created. Even the United Nations Security Council, in 2000, has recognized the centrality of the role of women in the reconstruction of post-conflict societies. With the establishment and approval of seven resolutions on women (dealing with peace and security) and the drafting of the recommendations of the CEDAW Committee, it creates the framework that countries must consult and adopt to achieve a sustainable and inclusive peace. Women’s participation not only ensures that the rights violated during conflict are returned to women, but also contributes to the structural transformation of society towards participatory democracy and security for all citizens. The gender approach in the Colombia peace agreement: the role of women During the decades-long conflict between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP guerrilla group, women have been protagonists in various ways. They have fought in the ranks of the revolutionary group (just think about the guerrilla “Negra Karina”, considered one of the fiercest fighters and now actively participating in the peace process). But above all, Colombian women have suffered the conflict on their skin, through sexual violence, or seeing themselves forced to flee their homes with their children. The gender issue in the conflict was not an isolated event. In fact, it is estimated that between 1958 and 2016, 54% of victims and more than half of those displaced by the conflict were women, while between 25 and 26 thousand suffered sexual violence.  In line with the recommendations of the CEDAW Committee, the end of the conflict in Colombia has become an opportunity for women victims to become peacemakers. Thus, in 2014, during the negotiations, the first gender subcommittee in a peace process was inaugurated. This specific branch of the commission is responsible for integrating specific measures to improve women’s lives into all agenda items. Formed by representatives from the national government and FARC, the subcommittee inserts women’s perspectives within the agreement itself, through the effort of 18 organizations specializing in women’s rights and in rights of the LGBT+ community, as well as 10 former guerrilla women of various nationalities and 10 sexual violence experts. As a result, since 2014, 60% of the victims who presented testimony to the commission in Havana, where the negotiations took place, have been women. The gender approach, therefore, is implemented in all parts of the peace agreement, through more than one hundred specific measures and outlining eight thematic axes. Equal access to rural property between men and women and guarantee of the rights of agricultural workers with different sexual orientation and/or gender identity are included in the Integral Rural Reform. The political and representative participation of women is guaranteed through measures to prevent the specific risks they may encounter in their work within the decision-making bodies created by the agreements. Access to truth, justice and reparation for the crimes committed during the conflict is also and especially allowed to women, who most of all have appealed to the Truth Commission. Gender victimization has been publicly acknowledged in all its modalities through the strengthening of women’s organizations and their effort towards political and social participation. Thus, the peace agreement, in its gender approach, seeks equality and universality as characteristics of the transition to peace and post-conflict Colombian society. The subcommittee acts concretely in the peace process through the allocation of resources and the regulation of the principle of alternation within autonomous parties and organs. With regards to gender-based violence, various forms of prevention and protection of women are established, as well as measures against impunity for war crimes. Through these interventions, the agreement and the commission aim at the development of a sustainable, stable, and lasting peace. The Colombian woman today Despite these remarkable steps forward against gender discrimination, women in Colombia are still not considered equal to men. In the aforementioned WPS Index, in 2019 Colombia scored 0.691 on a scale of 0 to 1 (where 1 represents the highest level of inclusion), ranking 104th in the world. Women’s political participation, hampered by insurmountable economic constraints for many, is low at all levels: from individual city halls to Congress. Moreover, the high estimates of gender-based violence shed light on a society that, despite good intentions, struggles to detach itself from its internally rooted patriarchy (or machismo).  Especially in rural areas, levels of gender insecurity remain remarkably high, surpassed only by those faced by human rights defenders, whose rates of victimization increased further during the quarantine imposed by the spread of the new coronavirus. In this context, the normalization of this type of violence is worrisome: in Colombia, a woman’s testimony against her attacker is not considered legitimate. On gender impunity, local activist Francy L. Jaramillo Piedrahita argues that: “here a man is more likely to be tried for stealing a

In Colombia, as in all of Latin America, the intensification of land exploitation through extractive policies has a negative impact on the environment and on human rights, especially those of indigenous peoples, highlighting the shortcomings of a development model that is anything but sustainable. The extractive model The concept of extractivism is widely used in Latin America to refer to a mode of accumulation that began with the colonization of the American subcontinent, which envisages that some regions of the world are specialized in the extraction and export of raw materials, while other regions are dedicated to their consumption. In this sense, the activities considered extractivist are those that include the exploitation of large quantities of natural resources, such as minerals, oil, agricultural and forest products. Latin American countries are highly dependent on the extraction of their natural resources and their exportation abroad, following a model of export-led growth which does not allow for diversification of the economy and makes it dangerously dependent on the value that the raw materials in question have on the international market, an example is the case of Venezuela. Criticism of the extractive model is, however, primarily concerned with its effects on the environment. If the environment and its resources are considered exclusively as economic goods to be sold to the highest bidder and as means to increase development, and if the latter is understood as a mere increase in gross domestic product, it goes without saying that Latin American countries are experiencing a lack of protection and environmental degradation. The environmental conception of the indigenous people of Abya Yala Latin America or Abya Yala, as it is called by indigenous peoples, is an area that exemplifies how the unconditional exploitation of natural resources has consequences not only at the environmental level, but also in relation to the rights of those peoples closely interconnected with nature, the indigenous peoples, whose population is estimated at about 42 million in the South American territory. The contribution of indigenous peoples to the management and protection of the environment is now recognized internationally, just think that the so-called “protectors of the Earth” preserve about 80% of the planet’s biodiversity. The territory constitutes for indigenous peoples a spiritual and material basis inextricably linked to their past and future identity. From the 1990s onwards, a recovery of the indigenous environmental vision began starting with the spread of the Andean concepts of Pacha Mama and Buen vivire and their inclusion in some Latin American constitutions, such as those of Bolivia and Ecuador. The concept of buen vivir, sumak kawsay in the Quechua language, implies a life in harmony between individuals, communities and nature and is present with different terms in all Latin American indigenous cultures. In the indigenous cosmovision, well-being is only possible within the community and with respect for the Pacha Mama, so the essential element of buen vivir is the protection of nature. In this sense, it is an excellent alternative to modern environmental and development challenges. Given the inseparable link that indigenous peoples have with the environment and territory, on the one hand because of their spiritual and cultural characteristics, and on the other because most of them materially depend on natural resources, it can be said that their survival as indigenous peoples depend on the preservation and protection of the environment in which they live. On the other hand, since colonization these peoples have faced illicit appropriation of their ancestral lands, forced relocation of communities, and pollution of the natural resources on which they depend. Fortunately, Latin American indigenous movements are characterized by a historical solidity and strength that has led them to resist, as far as possible, the numerous attempts of extermination and assimilation that have been perpetrated against them since the period of European colonization.In the name of “development,” mining, hydroelectric projects and energy megaprojects, including renewable energy projects, are being implemented on indigenous territories, leading to the forced displacement of indigenous peoples, often without adequate compensation. The election of political leaders, such as Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, who support land grabbing by multinational corporations can only make the situation worse. The mining industry, in particular, has devastating effects on indigenous communities, as these persist even when mining projects end. Mining projects have negative consequences on the cohesion of the indigenous peoples of the territory where they take place, due to forced displacement and community divisions. Moreover, they often prevent traditional agro-pastoral activities from taking place. The convergence between environmental protection and the protection of indigenous peoples’ rights is emblematic in the Amazon region, yet, in those very territories there are multiple mining and oil extraction projects. The impact of extractive policies in Colombia Colombia is also suffering from the consequences of the increasing increase in extractive policies, which fall primarily on the environment. Even though Colombia is part of the so-called “megadiverse” countries, that is the richest countries in biodiversity on the planet, and in fact has 311 ecosystems, what should be the main wealth to be preserved often becomes a bargaining chip to pursue neo-liberal policies. For this reason, the country is characterized by a high incidence of environmental conflicts involving above all the indigenous peoples, who represent about 3.4% of the population. In recent decades, Colombia has seen an increase in state development policies aimed at extractive activities and the development of mega-projects with high environmental and social impact. In departments such as Chocó, La Guajira and Amazonia, this has led to the forced displacement of indigenous communities, environmental pollution of territories and situations of violence and insecurity. At the same time, legislation has also been passed that favors large transnational investments. These include Law No. 685 of 2001, the so-called Código de minas, which favors the participation of private companies in the processes of exploration and exploitation of minerals and hydrocarbons, and a 2019 ruling by the Colombian Constitutional Court, which removes the mandatory nature of popular consultations in cases of mining projects that threaten to profoundly transform the land use

In Colombia, the transitional phase that sees the incessant civil war acquiesce towards peace knows an abrupt halt during 2019, just three years after the signing of the bilateral agreement. What are the new obstacles standing in the way of the peace agreement between the government and the revolutionary armed group FARC – EP? To answer this question, we need to take a step back. Colombia entered the new millennium in a situation of great instability. The guerrilla groups that rebelled against the state, which was considered non-existent in large rural areas of the country, had reached the height of their power. Chief among these armed groups were the FARC-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo). With the presidency of Álvaro Uribe Vélez (not coincidentally nicknamed “the warlord”), the situation was quickly reversed. His controversial counteroffensive strategies, over the course of his two terms in office, brought remarkable results including the beginning of the FARC’s decline. Since his election to the presidency in 2010, Juan Manuel Santos has begun to depart from his predecessor’s political ideas by promoting dialogue with revolutionary forces until a peace agreement is reached. The bilateral treaty addresses numerous issues considered the fundamental causes of more than 50 years of internal conflict. The document lists the various measures that, by mutual agreement, must be taken by both parties to establish peace between the government and the FARC group. However, a few months later, the end of Santos’ term of office calls into question all the efforts made until then. The election of Iván Duque Márquez, a close ally of Uribe, and his manifest intention to modify the agreement, puts former FARC combatants on notice. In addition, the events that have been making the situation in Colombia even more tense since 2019 hint at a concrete threat of a return to war. The FARC: from armed struggle to political struggle and back again First of all, the disarmament of the guerrillas, supervised by a UN commission created ad hoc, is completed by the majority of FARC members, but not by all of them. Some thousands of fighters, in fact, have refused to come to terms with the government. These never came out of the jungle and never abandoned the armed struggle. Their actions have scaled down, in parallel with the number of their members, but their existence endures the peace process. The most recent information on this subject, claims that these groups have sought refuge in Venezuela, while some speculate that they may be affiliated with other guerrilla groups such as the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). What is certain is that, due to the current circumstances of Colombian politics, the group of demobilized is growing stronger thanks also to the affiliation of those who, after embracing civilian life, have decided to return to live in the jungle as clandestine fighters. Critical issues in the peace process If implemented, the treaty could meet the demands of revolutionary groups and avoid further casualties. However, its implementation is encountering numerous obstacles, as has happened in the past in the history of the Colombian conflict. First of all, the political participation of the ex-members of the FARC has not been assured in the last elections. The new political party has had little prominence, perhaps due to the bad reputation the group has earned through the decades. More importantly, since embracing civilian life, many repentants have seen death at the hands of hit men. Now a widespread practice in Colombia; systematic assassinations of political opposition have claimed the lives of some 200 FARC members and more than 600 social leaders, indigenous tribesmen, and human rights activists since the signing of the treaty. Land cultivation and property management was the main issue that caused the outbreak and prolongation of the conflict over the decades. The Integral Rural Reform and the reconversion of lands previously used for cocaine cultivation are therefore at the core of the peace treaty. Nonetheless, implementation and financing are slow, and peasants are not benefiting at all from the new conditions. The shortcomings of the Truth Courts The issue of victims of the conflict is not being satisfactorily addressed. The frightening figures remain far-fetched, and there is speculation that the actual numbers are much higher. The Truth Commission, not being imperative with its sanctions, struggles to carry out its duties. And so, the victims remain without justice, the perpetrators unpunished and the corpses unnamed. But not only that; the greatest defect of the Integral System of Justice that has been established since the signing of the agreement is that it does not guarantee any kind of protection to those who want to testify for the truth, and the sad tradition of murders in Colombia makes this system seem like a trap for those who want to contribute to peace and justice. The circumstances listed so far make the period of dialogue and mutual concessions that characterized former President Santos’ two terms in office seem like a rip-off of Colombia’s violent rule. Instead of strengthening the foundations of peace, his successor and current president Duque directly undermines them, directing his political propaganda against the agreement with the FARC and financing it with the Fund for Peace, thus making use of international funds for electoral and personal purposes. The threat of a return to civil war in Colombia is therefore becoming more and more concrete as we move into 2019. Some encouraging signs Nevertheless, the support of the international sphere that the peace agreement with the FARC has received cannot be ignored. In addition to the UN and its Security Council, individual states have also been advocating for peace in Colombia, committing to the bilateral ceasefire and as members of the Truth Commission. In addition, there are the citizens who are showing that they have grown tired of the violence and of the systematic murder of the political opposition, which inevitably leads to the death of democracy. This part of the population, with a strong and fresh