Colombia (EN)

Colombia Colombia is located in the north of Latin America, bordering Panama, Venezuela, Brazil, Peru, and Ecuador and is the only country on the continent to have access to both the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans through the Caribbean Sea. With an area equivalent to about four times the size of Italy and a population of almost 50 million inhabitants with a high rate of urbanization (over 80%), the country is for the most part scarcely populated. There are urban conglomerations of considerable size in the north and west of the territory. The ethnic groups present in the country are varied and numerous, with a mestizo and white majority but with an important presence of the African American population: the third largest in all the Americas. Moreover, several indigenous populations reside in the Andean, Caribbean, Pacific, and Amazon areas. The official language is Spanish, the most widespread religion is Christianity with a Catholic majority (79%). In 1810 Colombia declared itself independent from the Spanish colonizers and the territory was integrated in a federation of bordering states in continuous evolution. Finally, in 1886, the Presidential Republic of Colombia was proclaimed. From the 50s to the present day, the country has found itself immersed in a dynamic internal conflict that presents a plurality of actors and a remarkably high number of victims. The casus belli remains difficult to identify, like the various events that have characterized the conflict itself, due to the high rate of corruption in Colombian politics and information. The most widespread theory identifies the beginning of the violence with the assassination of Jorge Eliecer Gaitán, founding leader of the socialist party Unión Nacional Izquierdista Revolucionaria (UNIR), which militated for the defense of the poorer classes through state intervention in the economy. The leader's death sparked violent popular uprisings in the capital city of Bogotá, which in turn led to the emergence of social movements and political parties defending the rights of less well-off workers. To deal with this situation, the government created specialized police forces and paramilitary organizations that had the power to occupy the lands of those considered enemies of the State. Thus, a period of widespread violence begun. This period was characterized by the genocide of numerous indigenous peoples and the rise, in the wake of the Cuban revolution, of armed guerrilla groups that fought against the State. Among the various revolutionary groups born in those years there were the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP). These, established in 1964, were the result of  an operation of the State against the rural autonomous organizations of the region of Marquetalia. Both insurgent groups have Marxist and Bolivarian inspiration and consider the armed struggle, financed by drug trafficking and extortion, the only possibility to subvert order in the name of the people. The objectives of the FARC were mainly related to agriculture: the return of expropriated land to the peasants, the abolition of the feudal system of landowners, the end of the exploitation of agricultural resources by the United States. The elections of 1970 see the victory of the conservatives in a climate of tension caused by accusations of fraud and the proclamation of the curfew. In this context, the Movimiento 19 de Abril (M-19) is born, bringing guerrilla warfare to the cities for the first time. The galloping economic crisis and the progressive military repression of popular protests lead to increasingly widespread support for guerrilla groups. At the same time, in the most remote areas, cocaine laboratories and plantations are consolidated, strengthening the presence and importance of organizations dedicated to drug trafficking. The inevitable encounter between these illegal organizations causes the formation of the first paramilitary groups by the bosses of the Medellin cartel. The new paramilitary groups, with the complicity of the State, dedicated themselves to the killing of guerrilla members and leftist politicians from the beginning of the 80's. With the election of Belisario Betancur to the presidency of the country in 1982, the conflict turns into a political debate that sees the main armed guerrilla groups regroup in the new party Uniòn Patriòtica (UP). The M-19, despite negotiations, excludes the cease-fire because of the mysterious death of their leader and in 1985 promotes the occupation of the Palace of Justice in Bogota. The affair turns into a massacre with the intervention of the army: in addition to the guerrillas, 53 civilians died. In 1988, the M-19 takes the conservative politician Álvaro Gómez Hurtado hostage, putting forward the request to open new peace talks; the process leads to the demobilization of the movement, which embraces civil and political life. The electoral success of the UP causes the reaction of the extreme right, which, through paramilitarism, carries out the systematic assassination of the major leaders of the new party and the political candidates of the M-19. The now broken relationship between government forces and guerrilla groups continues throughout the decade of the 1990s, which remains in history as one of Colombia's bloodiest periods. Murders, disappearances, forced migration and widespread violence on both sides characterize what is known as the guerra sucia (dirty war). The fight against drug trafficking becomes the priority of the State which, cornered by the United States, temporarily abandons the conflict, leaving paramilitary and guerrilla groups to proliferate. These are financed by cocaine trafficking in the south of the country, left unchecked since the death of Pablo Escobar in 1993. The rapidly expanding FARC group extends its attacks to strategic points and public infrastructures, soon gaining a reputation as a terrorist group. In response, the first organized groups of armed civilians patrolling city neighborhoods are born; the first, called CONVIVIR, was born in Medellín and affiliated with paramilitary groups. In 2000 the Plan Colombia is launched by the will of the United States; the details of the plan are not known but the objective is the destruction of cocaine plantations to weaken the guerrillas and narcos. The following year, following the terrorist attack of September 11, Plan Colombia tightens its military interventions. In 2002, in view of the presidential elections, the FARC takes hostage the French-Colombian candidate Íngrid Betancourt who remains imprisoned for over 6 years. The events bring Álvaro Uribe Vélez to the presidency of the country, promising to repress the guerrillas by force. The repression carried out by Uribe was later presented to the Supreme Court of Justice for its connection with human rights violations recorded in those years and with alleged affiliations with drug cartels. In the first years of Uribe's presidency there is a decrease in homicides and the advance of the army in areas previously controlled by the FARC. Military spending exceeds 6% of GDP and the number of guerrillas killed swells, figures that guarantee the president a renewed mandate. However, the figures of dead guerrillas are belied by the discovery of the practice of false positives implemented by generals and soldiers of the army. Between 2002 and 2010 it is assumed that about 5000 civilians taken from the most deprived areas of the Colombian metropolis were assassinated and then dressed in guerrilla uniforms to increase the number of victims and ensure privileges to the military. In 2008 the decline of the FARC group began when their founding leader died of natural causes and other prominent figures were killed; the guerrillas also lost territories and hostages in the advance of the army. In 2010, unable to run again, Uribe proposes as president his Minister of Defense Juan Manuel Santos who is the winner but decides to take another strategy with the guerrillas. In 2012, after losing many leaders, the FARC sits down at the conversation table in Havana, Cuba, with the Colombian government to talk about peace. The events gain the support of the international sphere, the interest of the guerrilla group ELN and the opposition of former President Uribe. The peace agreement is signed by President Santos and FARC leader Timoleón Jiménez a.k.a. Timochenko in 2016, but final approval awaits the judgment of the citizens expressed through the October 2 referendum. Due to Uribe's ruthless propaganda, the NO to peace won at the plebiscite by very few votes, stopping the implementation of the treaty. Placing some corrections to include opposition demands, the treaty is re-signed and placed for approval by Congress alone. On December 1, 2016, the House and Senate approve the new text, initiating the demobilization of the FARC and the delivery of weapons, to be carried out under the control of the United Nations. This closes a long chapter of Colombian history, characterized by atrocious violence that, despite sporadic attempts at reconciliation, has continued for too many years; carried out by a weak State, unable to extend its influence over the vast territory and indolent towards the demands of the most vulnerable communities. The chapter with the FARC, the other major player, is closed, but the situation remains tense between the government, the ELN and other insurgent groups. In more than 50 years, according to the International Committee of the Red Cross and the National Center for the Memory History of Colombia, the Colombian internal conflict has caused 218,000 deaths of which about 177,000 civilians, almost 125,000 disappearances of which 70% of the cases are still unresolved, and more than 7 million displaced persons. Politics and society Colombia presents itself as a country full of contrasts. The vast rural areas remain underdeveloped while the cities face issues, such as pollution and high levels of CO2 emissions, related to industrial development. The population suffers one of the highest rates of social and wealth inequality in the world, leaving more than a third of the population below the poverty line, a figure that continues to rise. According to the World Bank, 10% of Colombian citizens received 39% of total incoming income in 2017. Thus, poverty remains one of the country's biggest problems. Colombian cities reflect this difference by presenting themselves as extensive conglomerates of buildings constructed mostly by makeshift means and in decaying conditions. The affluent areas, on the other hand, despite being limited in size and physically by barriers, enjoy the most varied and avant-garde services. Galloping urbanization is one of the main characteristics of the country; in 2018, 80.8% of citizens lived in cities, leaving rural areas outside of state intervention. Literacy covers 94.7% of the total population. The migration flow is constant both in and out, mainly for economic issues. Since the 60's citizens have been emigrating in search of work, mainly to the United States, Venezuela and, until the 90's, Spain. Colombia remains the country that has produced the largest number of refugees in Latin America, of which 400 thousand reside in Venezuela and Ecuador. However, since 2015, the political and economic crisis affecting Venezuela has been causing a reverse flow of returning migrants. Political life in Colombia has been intricately linked to the evolution of the internal conflict for over 50 years. The bitter clashes between the revolutionary forces of the far left and the governments of the more radical right leave no room for moderate intervention: chronic violence has become a hallmark of the country's politics. However, the presidential republic has long resisted militarism, despite the fact that the essentially two-party system is often influenced by the forces, legitimate and otherwise, that appear on the political field. In fact, levels of corruption remain high, often fueled by the drug trafficking that characterizes Colombia's past and present. The influence of the United States in political affairs is benefited by Colombia's strategic position as a geographical bridge to Latin America. As early as 1994, as part of the "war on drugs" carried out by the government in Washington, Colombia expanded its militarily to counter narcotraffickers in the exercise of so-called "narcopolitics". After the killing of Pablo Escobar at the hands of the Colombian police in Medellín in 1993, it is the Cali cartel that dominates the narcotics market, which gives Colombia the primacy of world production of cocaine. Among the various strategies undertaken by the army trained and funded by the United States was the destruction of crops through the use of glyphosate, a carcinogenic substance that severely debilitated the soil. Since the 21st century, democracy has shown signs of greater stability, here as in the rest of the continent. The promulgation of the new Constitution, which establishes a long list of fundamental rights and duties for the citizen, inaugurated this period. Especially during the government of President Santos, legality characterized the political actions to combat widespread crime. In spite of the recent turnarounds, politics is dominated by the narrow elites that have always limited the full exercise of democracy to urban areas only and specifically to the wealthiest strata of the population; the abandonment by the State of the most remote areas has been the cause of the continuous armed uprisings carried out by the no-name peasants and guerrilla groups. Since 2016, with the signing of the peace agreement, Colombia has entered a period of unprecedented political transition. The treaty aims to resolve the most sensitive issues, which for generations have carried on an armed conflict between different actors, each with their own claims. The 6 chapters of the text address the following topics: 1) integral rural reform, 2) political participation, 3) the end of the conflict and the laying down of arms, 4) the solution to the problem of illicit drugs, 5) the victims, 6) the mechanisms of implementation and verification. Integral rural reform refers to the redistribution of agricultural land and the creation of a "Fondo de Tierras" to promote the integration of indigenous and Afro-descendant minorities, to provide reparations to victims in the areas most affected by the conflict and to expand the exercise of democracy to the most remote areas in an effort to combat poverty. The political participation of the 13 thousand demobilized guerrillas materialized on September 1, 2017 with the founding of the new FARC political party: Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Común. The group's action, therefore, shifts from guerrilla warfare to politics, in an attempt to assert its demands and enrich the debate on the country's major issues. The third chapter of the peace agreement regulates the bilateral and definitive ceasefire, to be carried out within 180 days from the signing. In addition, the delivery of guerrilla weapons to the United Nations is carried out in a mission created ad hoc which has a ratio of 1.5 weapons per demobilized guerrilla. Although the conflict has older roots than the large-scale cultivation of cocaine, the phenomenon is addressed in the document as a national problem to be overcome so that peace and security are achieved in a stable manner. The fifth chapter represents the real innovation of the Havana peace treaty compared to the agreements previously reached both in Colombia and in the rest of the world. For the first time, in fact, a special tribunal of justice is created, made up of both local magistrates and international authorities, with the task of judging war crimes and the objective of rendering justice to all victims who have suffered the barbarities of the armed conflict. Within the Integral System for Justice, Truth, Reparation and Non-repetition, the Special Justice for Peace (JEP) and the Truth Commission are created. These, together with other specially formed bodies, will have the exclusive task of collecting testimonies and investigate the facts related to the civil war. The last chapter regulates the mechanisms of implementation and monitoring of the agreement itself through the creation of numerous bodies and committees. The most recent political developments, however, highlight the difficulties involved in implementing the peace treaty and reaching agreements that harmonize all the political voices on the field. The election of Iván Duque Márquez to the presidency of the country represents the greatest obstacle since he, akin to the policies of former President Uribe, has expressed his intention to modify the peace agreement and block its implementation. In addition, the violence shows no sign of stopping: over 150 FARC members have been assassinated since demobilization, about 600 social leaders and human rights activists have been killed since the signing of the agreement at the hands of paramilitary groups and hitmen probably hired by large landowners and far-right political elites. These events, in addition to the little success obtained in the last elections by the new political party, the poor progress of rural reform and the non-existent guarantees of justice and protection of the JEP, have pushed parts of the guerrillas to resume the armed struggle. In such a tense situation, it is difficult to think that the implementation of the peace agreement can be completed; however, since November 2019, citizens and students have been demonstrating their outrage against the violence through demonstrations and general strikes, and the support given by the international sphere to the peace treaty keeps hope, towards the achievement of peace among the Colombian population, alive. Human Rights Despite the most recent political events and the long-standing civil and constitutional government, Colombia cannot yet be considered an advanced country in terms of respect for individual rights and freedoms. The main obstacle can be identified in the militaristic conception of national justice aimed at defense and not at guaranteeing citizen security. Even in urban areas, in fact, violence and criminal actions are widespread. They are also encouraged by the rate of impunity for crimes committed that remains extremely high. The troubled past of the nation is characterized by murders, kidnappings, torture, falsification of evidence, performed by all protagonists: guerrillas, paramilitaries, state security forces and drug traffickers. International organizations for the defense of human rights have been denouncing this modus operandi for a long time. The victims of these crimes are identified in social and political leaders, journalists, activists, trade unionists, indigenous leaders and anyone who tries to bring out the truth about the dark dynamics that have always moved the country. In such a scenario, corruption and violence prevail over justice and freedom of expression, which is why Colombian citizens live in a context of tension and insecurity that often limits the natural development of civil and social life. In terms of migration law, the Duque government has opened its borders to Venezuelan migrants fleeing the economic and humanitarian crisis, granting citizenship to thousands of children born on Colombian soil, a strategy that runs counter to its right-wing political alignment. The rationale behind this choice is to be found in the country's history, which has seen millions of citizens flee to Venezuela when the belts of armed conflict and poverty have tightened the most. Of the 1.5 million new immigrants, therefore, many are returning Colombian migrants. The phenomenon is favored by the 1500 km of border that separate the two countries, making migration an inevitable event. Recent growth in the oil, mining, and manufacturing sectors has attracted increased labor migration; the main countries of origin are Venezuela, the United States, Mexico, and Argentina. Colombia has also become a transit area for illegal migrants from Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean traveling to the United States or Canada. The machismo mentality prevalent throughout Latin America limits the rights of Colombian women, but they are being granted more extensive political participation since the 2016 peace agreement, which takes steps to ensure balanced and equal representation between men and women. From an employment perspective, Colombian women struggle far more than men to earn a monthly salary and many indulge in the informal economy through the sale of fruit and sweets by the side of the road, and, in more touristy locations, the offer of massage and sexual services, often while underage. Economy and resources The country's natural resources include oil, natural gas, coal, iron ore, nickel, gold, copper, emeralds, and hydroelectricity. In the economic sector, Colombia is dependent on commodities such as oil, coal, and coffee, which are subject to significant price volatility. In addition, Colombia's economic development is hampered by inadequate infrastructure, poverty, drug trafficking, and an uncertain security situation. Nonetheless, the economy can be considered stable and growing steadily, especially since 2016, when a decrease in violence and political stabilization attracted foreign capital. The privileged relationship with the United States has facilitated trade liberalization between the two countries since 2006, while since 2012 trade has also opened up with the European Union. Since 2010, the country has also strengthened cooperation with neighboring states. Reforms in the energy sector, such as the partial privatization of the state oil company, have led to an increase in oil production, which covers approx. 40% of national needs. Coal exports contribute approximately one quarter of total export revenues. Environment Only about 4% of the land is arable and about 48% is occupied by forests and woodlands. Natural parks in Colombia occupy about 10% of the national territory, contributing significantly to land protection. Despite these vast natural areas in Colombia, cocaine crops, deforestation and land abuse persist as serious problems, especially in the Amazon and the jungles of the Chocó region, caused by logging. Other major environmental problems are the contamination of soils and waters resulting from the abuse of pesticides such as glyphosate, and high CO2 emissions in the metropolises. The extensive use of hydroelectric energy and the ratification of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change bring the country to a good level of environmental policy compared to the rest of Latin America.