Today we explore Calais, northern France, not even three hours from the capital, Calais, a city apparently like the rest of French cities. However, six years ago Calais has become a port of arrival for thousands of refugees dreaming to arrive on British shores. The conditions in which migrants are received and forced to live are a scandal, that has been denounced on several occasions by humanitarian organisations throughout Europe. The complaints are growing, but real solutions still seem to be far. A large network of French and British NGOs is the only source of salvation for the Calais refugees. Large Movements wants to promote a real and lively dialogue with the refugees, so it decided to undertake a field experience in Calais, working with one of the main British NGOs.
In Calais, most of the migrants come from Afghanistan, Eritrea, Iran, Iraq and South Sudan. They are mostly men, aged between 16 and 40. This is because their home governments impose compulsory military service and the only way to escape to it is to leave the country. Among all the european countries, despite the Brexit and the language barrier, Great Britain remains their favourite destination. The reason of this undiscussed interest is that Great Britain offers comparatively easier access to the world of work and, consequently, better living conditions. Many refugees witness that Great Britain is, unfortunately, the world of undeclared work, which does not require all those documents and bureaucratic procedures whose waiting times often exceed those of the journey to European shores.
Among the reasons that inspire to undertake a volunteer experience in Calais is the location of this reality, scene of one of the most serious humanitarian crises in Europe. The expression “humanitarian crisis” is normally associated with countries remotely contaminated by war. Yet, the (non-)management of immigrant arrivals in France has turned the French-English border into a place where a deep humanitarian crisis has erupted, violating fundamental rights and principles. The infamous ” Jungle of Calais” is located in the department of Grand-Synthe, in Dunkerk, about 20 km from the centre of Calais. Since its dismantling in 2016, the ex-Jungle, today, hosts the refugees who live in encampment areas between the city centre and outside the city, without a proper reception structure. These sites are in fact huge areas in the middle of nowhere or next to large shopping centres, where the NGOs organise daily distributions of food and essential goods such as clothes, blankets or tents.
The distributions take place at several points in the city: the plots located both in front of the main hospital or near the English Channel are two of them. The tunnel goes all the way to England, and it is from here that every night many refugees try to board a truck in a desperate attempt to reach Anglo-Saxon soil.
Since 2017, the municipality has provided a shower service for migrants and, for the colder months, a dormitory system to protect them from the freezing months. However, living in tight spaces and under the supervision of French authorities is not always what migrants prefer. Indeed, over the years there have been repeated clashes that have led to the closure or suspension of these places. According to national law, it is up to the prefect to decide on their activation, but this is not always considered a priority on the administrative agenda. As a result, last January, some of the local NGOs denounced the non-activation of the dormitory.
In Calais, the European stereotype of the migrant – to which the majority of the western population is somehow accustomed because of the daily flow of information and media it receives – falls from day one. You can hear about stories of people who claim an unjust destiny, because they were born in countries whose misery and violence did not allow them to live a life worthy of being called such. The youngest have not been able to attend school but they learn on their own English, sometimes even French or Italian. Older people often leave in their countries brilliant careers in catering or aesthetics. For example, it is surprising, how the hairdressers take care of the appearance of their companions even in the snow or in the cold that makes the camps immense expanses of ice.
Working in such a place also allows to discover the diversity of the refugees’ countries of origin and their ability to organise their daily life. Afghans, along with Iraqis, Kurds and Iranians, “impose themselves” on the rest of the refugees because of their particularly strong character. For instance, in sport, Sudanese or Eritreans are often excluded or frowned upon because of their thin physical form. As far as it concerns the community organisation, Eritreans have their own internal hierarchy: there is an elected leader who every day distributes the various goods received.
Furthermore, it is interesting to understand how the population of Calais perceives and describes the scenario. A first element is the local political choice: from 2008 Natacha Bouchart, a republican representative, became the mayor of Calais and she has immediately adopted a series of measures to counter the illegal arrival of migrants, calling for a continuous exchange of information with the British authorities and demanding that they assume their responsibilities. The mayor has also repeatedly criticised the work of organisations, accusing them to “use migrants to exist”. Beyond the political discourse, there is a part of the citizens of Calais that complains about the reputation that the city has acquired. In the words of a citizen: “Calais is now solely associated with the migratory crisis, but Calais is also so much more”. Due to these beliefs, it happens that owners of AirBnb or similar services do not accept volunteers working on the territory as guests.
“In the end it’s not so bad, we know each other, we come from the same culture and we support each other, trying together to jump on a boat or hide in a truck going to UK”. It is common to hear similar words, symbol of the utmost resilience and fortitude of people who spend years and years travelling through Europe. However, such a situation cannot be solved by volunteers alone. Moreover, activism in Calais has its weaknesses because there is a high disproportion between the associations that deal with the distribution of basic necessities, the vast majority, and those able to provide legal assistance or health care.
In conclusion, Calais is an excellent ground for developing reflections and critical issues concerning the reception of migrants in Europe. Among the various questions that arise, the first one is: why are two countries like France and UK unable to manage and coordinate the management of migratory flows, but above all… where is Europe? The situation is much more complex than one might think. Before Brexit, UK was not part of the Schengen area and, therefore, it applied an autonomous regime for the free movement of goods and people at its internal borders. Concerning migration policy, and, more specifically, the right of asylum and reception of non-European citizens, UK was a signatory to the Dublin Convention. For this reason, it was entitled to return migrants from France or to the country he/she arrived, given the “first entry country principle”.
Moreover, due to the massive migratory flow at the French-British border, the two countries have signed several bilateral agreements that have received criticism and proved to be not particularly efficient. Examples include the Sangatte agreements – in which some clauses were defined as contrary to Dublin – and the Touquet agreements – which resulted in a classic system of externalisation of borders and security checks.
The situation is now aggravated by Brexit, and UK must no longer comply with the Dublin Convention. The asylum system should therefore only be regulated by national laws, which, however, do not seem to have been still mentioned in the deal. Nevertheless, Brexit will not discourage Calais’ refugees from reaching British shores. The regularisation of migratory flows is undoubtedly an issue that calls for more responsibility at more levels, but the conditions in which these people live cannot continue to be ignored.
Such a phenomenon should and could have been avoided at the roots of its creation. At present, the only “security and control measures” take the form of French police interventions, which raze all the reality built by the migrants, destroying their homes made of tents and the few objects acquired during their stay. This is an implicit signal from the country that, on the one hand, does not take responsibility for managing arrivals and, on the other, manipulates the non-refoulement fundamental principle. Providing borderline reception and accommodation conditions without respect for fundamental rights is synonymous with rejecting a person from the country of arrival, illegal according to the above-mentioned principle.
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