Kakuma’s queer voice: G.’s story

Giuseppe Antonio Mura e Gianmarco Cristaudo
23/03/2023
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Africa (EN)

In our previous articles we talked about the conditions of the LGBTQ+ community in Kenya and the human rights violations taking place inside the Kakuma refugee camp.

We then took up the testimony of J, the first case in our in-depth look at human rights violations within Kakuma, and the testimony of A, a lesbian female guest at Kakuma.

Continuing, then, the investigation that Large Movements APS is conducting together with International Support Human Rights, in this article we will analyze the specific situation of G., the fictitious name of an LGBTQ+ boy from Kakuma with whom we had the opportunity to speak.

As reported in previous cases, G. also stated that he left his home country as a result of the various assaults he suffered because of his sexuality and sought refuge in neighboring Kenya. The hope of being able to live away from the fear and violence he suffered in what he once called “home” was his compass that guided him along his journey, but life in Kakuma turned out to be far more terrible than he could have imagined.

The short stay in Kakuma

G. is a Ugandan citizen. He fled his country when life in his homeland had become unbearable after several assaults he suffered because of his sexuality. He arrived in Kakuma in April 2020 and left a year later, in April 2021, when living conditions inside the camp had become very risky, having experienced numerous violent attacks, along with the entire LGBTQ+ community in Kakuma: he was almost set on fire in May 2020 and they tried to poison him twice. It is therefore not surprising that G. describes the conditions inside the Kakuma camp as “horrible.”

Police and UNHCR staff negligence

G. said he reported to the police and UNHCR staff each time he was subjected to an assault. However, all the emails he wrote were ignored to the point that in April 2021 he was forced to flee for his life after surviving yet another assault.
He also told us that upon his arrival he was chosen as the spokesperson for LGBTQ+ people in Kakuma. And it is because of this close contact he has with other people inside the camp that he can assure us that every queer person he knows has experienced the same neglect from the authorities and UNHCR staff.

Intimidation, threats, and arbitrary detentions are means often used to oppress the LGBTQ+ community in Kakuma and force them into silence, so much so that G. states that many UNHCR reports from Kenya share information and data that are not at all reliable or close to the truth of the camp, because such information is the result of the use of force on LGBTQ+ refugees, confirming that Kakuma is not a safe place for queer people and that they need and deserve international protection and to be relocated as soon as possible.

The questionability of the management of relocations

The management of relocations is also questionable. Relocations are so important to LGBTQ+ people in Kakuma because, first and foremost, they give them hope. Hope to live and love freely, to be the person they are, and to become productive members of society. Above all, relocation means freedom and security for G. and those in Kakuma who still live in fear, unable to move freely even when attacked. Although G. never applied for it, as according to him a relocation was implicit in his asylum application, since Kenya is a hostile country for queer people, he told us how the relocation situation was handled while he was in the camp: at first, UNHCR told them that there were only a few available resettlement places and that they were not able to relocate everyone. Then, under the pretext of the health emergency from Covid-19, they delayed the relocations but since the outbreak of the pandemic, the relocations have not happened yet. In addition, the relocations have been used as a weapon by the Kenyan government and sometimes UNHCR staff against the most active and vocal members of the LGBTQ+ community who sought to expose the violations taking place in the camp. Essentially, those who tried to report the very serious conduct in Kakuma, such as G., were threatened that they would never be transferred. In June 2021, after the death of 22-year-old activist Chriton Atuhwera in Kakuma camp two months earlier, G. and LGBTQ+ people inside the camp launched a petition to UNHCR demanding protection and to be transferred. UNHCR officials responded with intimidation to those who wanted to join the petition, saying they would be returned if they signed. “It’s not just about keeping quiet, but they have been proactive in silencing the LGBTQ community,” G. said on the matter.

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Giuseppe Antonio Mura

Gianmarco Cristaudo

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Ilaria Alpi’s murder and the investigation of toxic waste trafficking in Somalia

Rainer Maria Baratti 18 January 2021

On 20 March 1994 in Mogadishu, Somalia, Ilaria Alpi, together with her cameraman Miran Hrovatin, was murdered. The journalist had carried out several missions for TG3 since 1992 to report on the UN peace mission ‘Restore Hope’ and the Somali context of the civil war that broke out following the fall of Siad Barre’s regime, in 1991. The investigation of the Alpi-Hrovatin case focused on the journalist’s last report, which should have been broadcast on the evening of 20 March. Only fragments and incomplete footage of that report remain, as the full version never reached Italy. Neither the motive, nor the instigator, nor the executors of that murder are still clear. Giancarlo Marocchino is one of the main protagonists of the Alpi-Hrovatin case. He is a Piedmontese transporter who was an influential businessman in Mogadishu, for several years. For the SISMI, according to one of the declassified notes, he was “an able and cunning entrepreneur” to work for everyone and to disentangle himself in Somalia ravaged by civil war. According to SISMI, he was involved in the logistics and he was suspected of trafficking in arms and in toxic and radioactive waste. The latter are suspicions still not confirmed by the courts. In the background of the investigation, it is also necessary to keep in mind the Somali context, and in particular the Italian involvement in Somalia. The final report of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry into the death of Ilaria Alpi and Miran Hrovatin, approved in February 2006, analysed various causes of the murder, taking also into account fundamentalism and criminality in the country. An analysis of Ilaria Alpi’s notebooks bring to three lines of investigation from the themes of the last reportage: arms trafficking, toxic waste trafficking and the effects of Italian cooperation in Somalia. Italian cooperation in Somalia Before the beginning of the civil war in Somalia, Italy was a close ally of the government of Siad Barre, Somali president-dictator until 1991. For instance, Italy sold arms to Somalia which stockpiled them in various warehouses in the country, and they were object of interest of the militias and warlords, following the fall of the regime. It is generally acknowledged that Italy supported, economically and politically, Siad Barre even at a time when the regime appeared completely discredited in the eyes of international public opinion and the majority of the Somali people. Among Alpi’s lines of enquiry was Italy’s cooperation with developing countries, particularly Somalia. The journalist was interested in the phenomenon of aid in general and how it was managed, as well as whether it could have been used for illicit enrichment rather than the purpose for which it was given. In particular, Alpi was interested in the Garoe-Bosaso road and the Shifco fishing project. Italian parliament started development cooperation in Somalia in 1979, with substantial funding. In particular, during the period 1986-1989, the volume of Italian investment in Somalia and the Horn of Africa increased exponentially and it was only interrupted by the outbreak of civil war in 1992. The final report of the parliamentary commission states that in the decade 1981-1990, 80% of the funds were allocated to the implementation of projects defined as ‘physical’. Out of the total, 49% were allocated to the construction of large infrastructures, 21% to productive investments and 15% to investments defined as “socio-communitarian” (projects that can be considered as benefiting the population). This set-up of Italian cooperation has been marked by programming shortcomings and a lack of coordination with multilateral and international initiatives. Moreover, the actual success of these cooperation initiatives was heavily undermined by the prerogative to protect the interests of Italian companies, lobbies and pressure groups in Somali, not taking into account the real needs of the country. The analysis of these policies of international cooperation was conducted during the season of Tangentopoli. In this context, a number of enquiries brought to light a reality in which allocations for cooperation with developing countries were a significant part of the entire Italian bribe system. The investigations uncovered costly and unnecessary projects, multi-billion dollar allocations, bribes and trafficking of all kinds, including arms to Somalia. In this regard, the 1994 Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry into Cooperation with Developing Countries went on a mission to Djibouti, Somalia and Kenya from 29 January to 31 January 1996. The report stressed that there had been many management errors and that a lot of money had gone into the wrong hands. Among the most controversial works financed by the Italian government there were Garoe-Bosaso road and the port of Bosaso, as well as the ocean fishing project and its fishing company ‘Shifco’. With regard to the road, the average cost per km was 605 million, which is disproportionate to the average expenditure in Italy, but also compared to other roads built with development cooperation funds in the Horn of Africa. Moreover, at the beginning of 1979, an attempt was made to undertake an ocean fishing project marked by disasters and failures. This led to the creation of the ‘Shifco’ company, which arranged for the transfer of fishing vessels after the anti-Barre war of 1990 to the waters of the Gulf of Aden. There is a suspicion that this initiative, characterised by serious design errors, served firstly to enrich private Italian and Somali groups, even not necessarily through illicit means. Arms trafficking in Somalia Before embarking on her last trip, Ilaria Alpi had identified the area of Bosaso, a port city in the north of Somalia, as an area of ‘journalistic interest’ and she had the intention to investigate there about arms trafficking and the intertwining with ‘bad cooperation’ and the trafficking of toxic waste. Indeed, Alpi pursue some research on the Shifco ships, looking for evidence. The last interview before the murder seems to focus on this aspect. The cameraman Alberto Calvi, with whom Alpi had worked on previous missions to Somalia, reported that the journalist had always looked for evidence in relation to arms and drug trafficking. As a possible lead

Kakuma’s queer voice: A.’s story

Gianmarco Cristaudo 2 February 2023

In our previous articles, we discussed the conditions of the LGBTQ+ community in Kenya and the human rights violations taking place inside the Kakuma refugee camp.We then took the testimony of J, the first case in our in-depth look at human rights violations within Kakuma.Continuing, then, the investigation that Large Movements APS is conducting together with International Support Human Rights, in this article we will look at the specific situation of A., the fictitious name of a lesbian woman guest in Kakuma with whom we had the opportunity to speak.Like so many others living in Kakuma, A. fled her home country because of the discrimination she faced from friends and family because of her homosexuality and sought refuge in neighboring Kenya. The chance to escape the mistreatment and discrimination she endured and the hope of building a better life for herself were the driving forces that pushed her far from home, but the reality she came up against was as harsh on her as the one she escaped from. Arrival in Kakuma A is a Ugandan citizen. She fled her country when her family found out about her homosexuality. In fact, A. was strongly discriminated against and suffered severe homophobic attacks of various kinds, to the point that her family, before she managed to flee for Kenya, was about to force her into marriage. She arrived in Kakuma in November 2019 and still resides there. The violence and unheeded complaints As soon as she arrived, A. was faced with very difficult living conditions for the LGBTQ+ community residing in Kakuma. Indeed, the coexistence between queer people and other refugees led to several attacks and assaults at the expense of LGBTQ+ guests in the camp. Because of this, A. reports, both she and other members of the queer community residing in Kakuma are deeply afraid for their lives. In July 2020, what had been A.’s home in the camp was set on fire by other guests, and she lost almost all of her belongings in the fire, including basic necessities such as clothes and medicine. After all, the rest of the camp residents repeatedly reported that queer people like A. are not welcome, calling them “a curse” or threatening them with beatings, sexual assaults, and arson attacks.The situation has been repeatedly reported to UNHCR and the authorities, but both have consistently dismissed A. and failed to provide protection and safeguards from the severe violence suffered by A. and other LGBTQ+ residents. When A.’s house was hit by arson in July 2020, although she immediately reported the incident to UNHCR staff present in the camp, she received support only from the other queer residents of the camp, who provided her with the basic necessities she needed that were destroyed in the fire. Relocations One of the main problems preventing the provision of timely services and the effective guarantee of basic human rights is the extreme difficulty in obtaining information, particularly on relocations. In fact, UNHCR staff present in the camp and components of the RAS, the Kenyan government department that manages the entire relocation and refugee status granting process, do not provide clear information or at all. A. herself has never applied for resettlement not only because it is very difficult to get information about the necessary procedures (every time she has tried she has not been assisted, by the very people directly responsible for informing her about it) but also because of her status. One cannot access the resettlement program, in fact, if one has not been granted refugee status. Status which, according to Kenyan law, must be granted or denied within 6 months of the processing of the application. Despite the fact that A. has been in Kakuma for almost 3 years, however, he still has no news about the outcome of his asylum claim.The fact that he has not applied for relocation, therefore, does not mean that A. does not recognize its importance. So much so that A. told us that she believes that outplacement is the only option that can restore hope to LGTBQ+ people housed in Kenya given that in the context in which they currently find themselves, they cannot move freely, are not provided with basic necessities such as sanitary napkins, and live in fear of being attacked again.What’s more, she and all the other LGBTQ+ people in Kakuma are traumatized by the treatment they received in the camp. Most of all, they feel like their lives are stuck inside Kakuma, where every day is the same as the last, and they are very scared of the idea of growing old in the camp. A. wants to go back to school and finish her studies. He wants to find a job so he can support himself. He wants a better future for the children in the camp so that they can go back to school as they should, because, as he rightly says, education is a human right. If you liked our article, share it!

Leymah Gbowee

Myrlande Nardi 27 December 2021

In October 2011 Leymah Gbowee, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and Tawakkol Kaman were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize as a result of “their non-violent struggle for women’s security and their right to participate in the peace process“. Today, let’s talk about Leymah Gbowee and her perpetual commitment to women’s rights. Civil War in Liberia:Gbowee began her work as an activist with the group Liberia Mass Action for Peace (LMAP) in April 2003. Her native country, Liberia, had been in a state of civil war for 14 years. It all began in 1989 when Charles Taylor entered Liberia and aided by the rebel forces of the National Patriotic Front for Freedom, threatened the capital, Monrovia, and the government of Samuel Doe. After nine months, Doe was killed and Taylor took power. This did not stop the hostilities and although Taylor won the 1997 presidential election with 75% of the vote, a new civil war broke out that same year. Between 1989 and 2003, more than 270,000 people died, the neonatal mortality rate was 157 deaths per 1000 births, and the infant mortality rate for children under 5 was 235 per 1000. As a result of the conflict and the high infant mortality rate, 80% of the rural population was forced to migrate. Unfortunately, the conflict was characterized by the indiscriminate use of rape by all sides, including international troops who intervened to restore peace. Gbowee and other LMAP activists then began to protest against the violence: their rhetoric was based on concerns about the welfare of children and the future of the country. They used three tactics in particular: they organized public demonstrations to emphasize that the real victims of the conflict were women and children, they threatened to undress in public, and they established a political agenda to defend women’s rights both nationally and internationally. Taylor resigned in August 2003 and was forced into exile in Nigeria. A peace agreement was signed and in 2005 presidential elections were held which saw the victory of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf: the first woman to be elected president in an African state. The role of women in peace negotiations: Let’s look together at why these women were so influential. First, the women highlighted the fact that the war had brought only death and destruction. It was not a war for land, money or political power – it was a war that exterminated mothers and children. After that, Gbowee and the other activists emphasized their status as mothers and women and therefore as “guardians of society”. They emphasized their role as mothers and sisters to the men involved in the conflict and stressed the importance of national unity based on family. This rhetoric worked because in Libera the role of women, as mothers, is very strong and there is a sense of respect for them as they are seen as creators and sustainers of the community and nation. The men decided to attend the peace negotiations because their “mothers” had requested it. However, words alone were not enough to bring about a real peace agreement, so the women took action using an act of high symbolic value: they deliberately undressed in public. On July 21, Gbowee and the other activists entered the building where the negotiations were taking place and sat outside the room where the men were arguing. When they were threatened with arrest, Gbowee stated that she would not object but would first undress and shown herself to the assembly naked. She later explained that in Africa it is considered a terrible curse to see a woman, married and elderly, deliberately undress in public: that action would indisputably highlight the deep despair of Liberian women. Moreover, by undressing, she would deprive the men of their “masculinity” and the strength they had used with impunity throughout the conflict, raping and killing without restraint. In doing so, Gbowee was reclaiming her life and body, and in the process ceasing to be a helpless victim and becoming politically powerful and influential. The activists declared that they would only leave the building when Taylor and the other parties involved would actively participate in the negotiations. Negotiations then resumed and an agreement was finally reached. The importance of Leymah Gbowee’s work around the world: After the signing of the peace accords and the end of the war, Gbowee continued her political efforts outside Liberia’s borders. In 2006, she founded the Women Peace and Security Network Africa (WIPSEN-Africa), which works to promote “women’s strategic participation and leadership in peace and security policies in Africa.“ Throughout her speeches and actions, Gbowee emphasizes the power of ordinary women and the symbolic value of the female body. In order to fight patriarchy and promote the power of women as agents of political change, it is crucial to unite as women, mothers, sisters and demand gender equality. We at Large Movements share this sentiment and feel it is important to share with you the story of Leymah Gbowee who has shown the world the influence women can have in peace processes and the true power of pacifism. If you liked the article, share it!

Oil spills in the Niger Delta: environmental and health disasters in Nigeria

Rainer Maria Baratti 18 January 2021

The Niger Delta is one of the five most polluted ecosystems in the world due to oil spills that still affect both the environment and local populations, such as the Ikebiri and Ogoni. The oil industry, historically in a country like Nigeria, is the main cause of violent conflicts, environmental disasters and health disasters that are now structural. Moreover, this issue is also of interest to Italy since the civil trial at the Court of Milan involving ENI, with its Nigerian subsidiary, and the Ikebiri people, in 2018 . The environmental situation in the Niger Delta and the health damage suffered by the Nigerian population The Niger Delta is an oil-rich region in south-eastern Nigeria, where the activities of multinational oil companies (such as Shell, Exxon Mobil, Chevron Texaco, Total Fina Elf, Eni/Agip) have caused serious environmental, social and economic damages. Specifically, pollution is caused by crude oil leaking from old pipelines that stretch for hundreds of kilometres in the territory. In addition to oil spills into the river water and along its banks, another major problem in the area is gas flaring, the burning of excess gas extracted with oil. This gas could be pumped back into the ground or used for Nigeria’s energy needs. Instead, it is burnt by multinational companies because this makes the extraction of oil faster, thus lowering operating and production costs. As a result, people living in these areas breathe polluted air, eat contaminated fish (what little is left in the area) and drink water mixed with oil. According to the United Nations Environment Programme, toxicity levels are 900 times higher than those permitted by the World Health Organisation (WHO). Consequently, the spread of health diseases has also increased: respiratory problems, skin and eye diseases, gastrointestinal disorders, leukaemia and cancer. Finally, it should be noted that mining, by polluting the reservoir and the land, has destroyed subsistence farming. Added to this is the expropriation of land from the Nigerian people by the government under treaties signed with multinationals in the 1960s and unchanged since then. The oil industry in Nigeria Oil itself represents 95% of Nigeria’s exports and 65% of its national budget. This is the reason why the theme of violent conflicts over the management of this resource is recurrent in the country’s colonial and post-colonial history. The oil industry in the Niger Delta involves both the government of Nigeria and the subsidiaries of large multinational companies, such as Shell, Exxon Mobil, Chevron Texaco, Total Fina Elf and Eni/Agip, as well as some Nigerian companies. In this regard, oil exploration and production is carried out by ‘joint ventures’ involving the government-controlled Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and one or more foreign oil companies that have signed partnership and participation contracts with the NNPC. In this way, the NNPC holds the majority share, leaving the multinationals with the operational role on the ground. In fact, the companies manage huge swathes of land, with Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC) alone managing an area of over 31,000 square kilometres, building much of the oil infrastructure close to the homes, crops and water sources of the communities. However, communities in the Niger Delta do not benefit from the oil wealth and, despite the presence of 606 oil wells, Nigeria remains one of the poorest countries in Africa. The only ones to get rich from oil are the multinationals and the local elites: a situation that has led to protests and mobilisation on the one hand, and violent repression, on the other, by the state and private security agents hired by the companies. It should also be noted that 60% of the population of the Niger Delta survives through activities directly related to the ecosystem. In other words, when crops and fishing grounds are damaged, the inhabitants are unable to find alternative sources of income to those lost and sink deeper into poverty. In this ecosystem, therefore, it is not possible to live according to Nigeria’s motto “Unity and faith, peace and progress”, as people are increasingly presented with two alternatives: struggle or migration. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People and the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta Local communities, mainly supported by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta and the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, oppose the exploitative policies of multinational corporations and demand the reclamation of waterways and land as well as a fairer distribution of oil revenues as compensation for ecological debt. The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, the main population of the Niger Delta region, has been conducting a non-violent campaign against environmental degradation since 1990. The Ogoni are an indigenous people affected by the intense exploitation of oil resources granted by the military junta to the multinational company Shell in the 1980s. According to the agreement between the parties, although formally the land remained in the hands of the people, Shell was allowed to exploit the resources present and was obliged to allocate only 1.5% of the royalties from the profits to the local population. After numerous battles led by the Movement an agreement was reached, hence Shell must give more than 15% of the royalties to the people. Additionally, a major achievement of Movement leader Ken Sawro-Wiwa has been to attract international attention by using strong and impactful concepts to describe the problem. One of the most striking examples is the concept of ‘ecological warfare’. However, in 1995, Ken Sawro-Wiwa and eight activists were arrested and sentenced to death by the government for allegedly ordering the murder of four traditional and pro-government leaders, despite the fact that the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights had called for a stay of execution on the grounds of ‘unfair trial’. Nigeria was subsequently convicted in 2001 for not having a fair trial and for failing to comply with the Commission’s order. In addition, Nigeria was convicted of violating the collective rights of the Ogoni people, in particular

INQUIRY ON THE REFUGEE CAMP OF KAKUMA: Hellish conditions for LGBTQ+ migrants

Martina Bossi 25 August 2022

For this inquiry, we had the opportunity to meet Tobias Pellicciari, Director of International Support – Human Rights “Migration and Asylum Program in Europe”. Tobias has worked for many years in the field of migrants’ and refugees’ reception in Europe, with a special focus on sexual minorities. Thanks to his experience and the interviews that the team of LMPride carried on with some of the victims, in this article we can offer a complete picture of the conditions in which LGBTQ+ migrants are forced to live in Kenya. In particular, the attention will be on the Kakuma refugee camp, managed by the High Commissioner for Refugees – also known as UNHCR. Large Movements team has already reported on how homophobia in Kenya an issue in every stratum and aspect of society and civilisation is still, and how the Kenyan LGBTQ+ community is highly stigmatised and marginalised. In this interview, however, we want to shed light on the conditions of migrants and asylum seekers who, having fled their country of origin, mostly from Uganda, are discriminated because of their sexual orientation and gender identity. Picture of the area Kakuma is situated in north-western Kenya, specifically in Turkana County in the Rift Valley. The refugee camp was founded in 1992 to accommodate 16,000 women and men fleeing the war in Sudan. Today hosts more than 200,000 people, making it one of the largest refugee camps in the world. The area in which the camp is located is predominantly dry and highly sensitive to the climate change effects. These factors have made almost impossible to cultivate the land, more and more threatened by the advancing desert. The Kakuma refugee camp has been built on an isolated area, outside the city centre. According to the Kenyan government indeed, this would guarantee safety of both the local population and the hosts of the camp. As a result, accessing to essential services (hospital, employment, etc.) is quite difficult for refugees and asylum seekers in Kakuma. Moreover, the living conditions in the camp are almost below any minimum standards of human dignity: insect infestations, scarcity of food and absence of health support. The already difficult living conditions of the people living in Kakuma become even more complicated for the members of the LGBTQ+ community. Most of them reside in separate sectors (known as ‘blocks’), to better ensure the general safety – according to UNHCR staff. What it means living in Kakuma for an LGBTQ+ person According to our interviewees, the isolation of the LGBTQ+ community in Kakuma has worsened the living conditions of this vulnerable group of refugees and asylum seekers. The separation of most of them from the rest of the hosts of the camp indeed, makes them more visible and vulnerable to aggressions. Most of the LGBTQ+ asylum seekers come from the same Countries of origin as the queer applicants – mainly Uganda and Somalia – so they are likely to engage in the same homophobic behaviour, violence and harassment that drove Kakuma’s guests to leave their homeland. By making them more visible – by confining them all to the same area – therefore, UNHCR would have effectively increased the risk for LGBTQ+ refugees and asylum seekers of experiencing persecution and violence. Violent and brutal acts are committed on a daily basis within the Kakuma camp and all the victims we spoke to complain that they have not received proper protection from UNHCR . Indeed, UNHCR very often does not respond to refugees’ and asylum seekers’ requests for help and/or protection. The situation is not much better for the LGBTQ+ refugees and asylum seekers who do not reside in the separated blocks. They are identified by the other guests as queer people and they are subject to the same attacks and violence. Many LGBTQ+ refugees and asylum seekers in Kakuma preferred to live outside the barracks, sleeping in the open to protect each other. Those who fear the most because they constantly receive death threats from the hosts of the camp, often sleep as homeless in the streets of Nairobi. They say to feel safer than sleeping in their allocated accommodation in the camp. Very often among them, there are lesbian women with their children – also subjected to the same violence that their mothers have to suffer. The decision to sleep outside came after a series of fires set by other residents at the lodgings of the queer refugees and asylum seekers during the night. Emblematic of how out of control the situation is within the camp and of the serious failures of UNHCR staff to protect this vulnerable category of refugees and asylum seekers, is the case of the 15th March 2021 fire: two homosexual men were burnt alive by other Kakuma’s residents. After two long days, UNHCR did not even provide proper health care to the fire victims, who remained in the camp without even having access to appropriate medical care. After intense pressure from International Support – Human Rights, UNHCR transferred the two victims with an ambulance to a hospital 125km far from Kakuma, despite the fact that the ambulance staffs themselves and the local community had indicated the Nairobi hospital as the only one equipped with the right medical machines and treatments for those kinds of injuries. Only on the 18th March, UNHCR – under pressure from the European Commission, alerted by Tobias – transported the victims to the Nairobi hospital by helicopter. Unfortunately, one of the two men died as the result of the very serious burns he suffered and, more importantly, the lack of timely and adequate medical treatments. The only statement issued by UNHCR following this tragedy was almost a month later and consisted in a generic request to the Kenyan authorities to investigate. The investigations, even though haven’t brought to a formal recognition of the attacker yet, have led to some fundamental clues which – together with the eye-witness testimonies – could provide at least enough benefit of the doubt to isolate the person, if not

Talibè children in Senegal: life in the balance between abuse and begging

Rainer Maria Baratti 18 January 2021

Dustiness, dirtiness, and barefoot children, most of them Talibè, holding empty tomato cans or plastic bowls in their hands populate the streets of Dakar and in many other cities in Senegal. A 2007 UNICEF study on child begging in Dakar, the capital of Senegal, found that more than 90% of the children are Taliban. However, official statistics are still missing and children between 8 and 15 years of age are involved. Talibé and Marabutto in Senegal The term Talibè in the Wolof language means ‘disciple’ and refers to children attending the Daara, the Koranic schools run by the Marabuttos, who teach the precepts of Islam on the basis of mnemonic learning of the Koran. For centuries, the Daaras in Senegal have ensured that Islamic education has spread to all segments of the West African country’s population. Here, however, physical punishment is often carried out, which for many West African Muslim countries is considered an important part of the educational process. Between the Talib and his Marabout there is a relationship of devotion and strict obedience as the Marabout offers his guidance and protection to his disciples who express their trust through financial support or tithing. In Senegal, the issue of the Taliban is not seen in a homogeneous way, some promoting its spread while others close it down. In addition, parents who decide to send their children to a Daara often do so through de facto fostering, because of their own economic difficulties, and to offer a better future to the child by building a relationship with the Muslim brotherhood to which the Marabout belongs and consequently to prepare the child for a career as a Marabout. It should be noted, however, that the Taliban’s education remains essentially linked to West African values in terms of children’s education. Begging, punishment and life in the Daara Originally, begging by the Taliban consisted of asking for food to supplement the Daara’s supplies when the Marabout’s fields crops could not support the needs. This practice evolved as the Daara developped in an urban environment and required a change for the income. Thus, the practice of almsgiving resulted in children giving money instead of food. The problem of Marabout abuse of Taliban children in Senagal is not subject to state regulation and as a result some schools abuse the relationship between disciple and teacher. Often, what should be an institution of education can take on negative facets. Some Marabouts exploit Taliban for labour or forced begging on the streets, instead of teaching Koran to them. In some cases, this exploitation exposes children to disease, injury, death, physical and sexual abuse inside or outside the Daara. A Human Rights Watch survey of 175 Taliban children in Senegal estimated an average of just under 8 hours a day, every day, of begging for between 373 CFA (0.56 €) and 445 CFA (0.67 $) on holidays. This is a difficult amount to achieve as just under 30% of the Senegalese population lives on less than 593 CFA (0.90 €) a day and 55% live on less than 949 CFA (1.44 €). In addition to money, food quotas such as sugar and rice are often demanded. If this quota is not met, there is a risk of physical abuse, and for example, many children show scars and bruises, due to the application of electric cables or sticks. However, is the older Talib, who becomes the assistant to the Marabout, to be responsible for punishing younger Talibels who do not pay back their daily quota or who return late. In cases where the Marabout does not supervise the children, the older Talib has absolute power over them and he can rob them or abuse them physically or sexually. In general, children risk beatings, sexual abuse, chaining, imprisonment and numerous forms of neglect and danger in at least 8 of the 14 administrative regions of Senegal. In addition, there are risks associated with the trafficking and migration of Taliban children in Africa, including the illicit transportation of Taliban groups across regions and national borders. The Senegalese Taliban often lack basic necessities and accommodation, having to endure longer hours of begging or sleeping on the streets. Indeed, conditions in urban Daara are often characterised by malnutrition, lack of clothing, exposure to disease and poor hygiene. Often hundreds of Taliban children live in extremely dirty and squalid conditions in unfinished buildings with no walls, floors or windows. Here rubbish, sewage and flies clog the ground and the air, and children often sleep crammed into dozens in an open-air room, most of them without mosquito nets and therefore at risk of infection or disease. Moreover, the situation is exacerbated when the children become ill, they are forced to beg to pay for their treatment. The many rights violated From a legal point of view, there are many issues related to human rights and children’s rights. Hence, the situation of Taliban children in Senegal calls into question several international conventions. When we talk about the Taliban, we face with cases of slavery, forced labour and human trafficking. Some NGOs argue that when a Marabout acquires custody of a Talibé to force him to beg, this practice is a “practice akin to slavery” as defined by the Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery (1956). Furthermore, the Forced and Compulsory Labour Convention (1930) describes forced labour as “work which is performed by any person under threat of any penalty and for which the person in question has not offered himself voluntarily”. In addition, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has deemed the practice of exploitation of the Taliban in Senegal to fall within the scope of the Convention concerning the Prohibition of the Worst Forms of Child Labour (1999), equating forced begging with slavery. In turn, Human Rights Watch, considering ILO’s point of view, has argued that the Marabouts, when they transport the Taliban with the primary intention of obtaining work from them, are involved in child trafficking. In this regard, reference is made to

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